Matters of Opinion: Part II — Transcript
Full transcript
- 0:29[Music]
- 0:39In the first part of this lecture, we discussed several different ways in which the concept of
- 0:43public opinion has been understood over the course of US History. We also saw that Mark Carl Rom's
- 0:49definition of the term is the most widely accepted one today. "Public opinion," he writes, "is the
- 0:56aggregation of individual views that represent the feelings that people hold on an issue at a
- 1:01given point in time." Those views are tabulated by posters in order to reveal the thoughts of a
- 1:08numerical majority. Now, it is the determination of a numerical majority that purportedly makes
- 1:15public opinion surveys newsworthy. After all, where would we be, politically or socially,
- 1:22were it not for the viability of majority rule? Well, according to Thomas Jefferson,
- 1:28we'd be in a very bad place, indeed. "Where the law of the majority ceases to be acknowledged,"
- 1:34Jefferson warned a gathering of citizens in Annapolis, Maryland, "there government ends,
- 1:40the law of the strongest takes its place, and life and property are his who can take them." Where the
- 1:47law of the majority ceases to be acknowledged, we're likely to find ourselves, Jefferson says,
- 1:53in an anarchic dystopia. And by, acknowledgement, Jefferson presumably has in mind that word's legal
- 2:01or political meaning. That is, acknowledgement here refers to a formal recognition of "rights,
- 2:08authority, and status." But, in practical terms, what does it mean to recognize the authority of a
- 2:15majority when it comes to elections it means the candidate for whom a majority voted takes office
- 2:21or remains in office. In the case of referendums, it means the majority decides whether a proposition
- 2:27is accepted or rejected, unless the threshold for passing a ballot measure for some reason requires
- 2:33a supermajority rather than a simple majority. Of course, elections are not held all that often, which
- 2:40is why there are seemingly few opportunities for citizens to have any significant input on matters
- 2:47of public policy. In an effort to fill that void, George Gallup and Elmo Roper introduced modern
- 2:54polling. The public opinion survey, Gallup triumphantly declared, "allows the will of
- 3:01the majority of citizens to be ascertained at all times." What's more, Gallup and Roper insisted modern
- 3:08polling was exacting and objective. "If our work is not scientific," Gallup boasted, then no social
- 3:16scientists and hardly any natural scientists "have a right to use that word." In short, polling
- 3:23empowers the citizenry, by giving to each person who has surveyed a voice. As political scientist
- 3:31Sydney Verba of Harvard University put it in the mid 1990s: "surveys produce just what democracy is
- 3:37supposed to produce: equal representation of all citizens. The sample survey is rigorously
- 3:44egalitarian," Verba continues. "It is designed so that each citizen has an equal chance to
- 3:50participate and an equal voice when participating." Quiz question number one: according to the political
- 3:57scientist Sydney Verba, what makes public opinion surveys quintessentially democratic? When framed
- 4:05in such terms, it's easy to see why anyone who dares to be critical of public opinion surveys
- 4:12would come across as an enemy of the people. In fact, in a recent defense of polling, G Elliot Morris
- 4:19claims that "in many cases the denigration of polls is made by elites, elective officials, and
- 4:27ideological activists who have a stake in the public's voice not being heard." But those many
- 4:35cases Morris refers to mostly lie in the past. For instance, a half century ago, the late Leo Bogart, a
- 4:42renowned sociologist at Columbia University, inveighed against public opinion surveys, accusing pollsters of
- 4:49having invented a tool that is used to "measure shadows cast, as in Plato's myth, upon the wall
- 4:56of a cave." In other words, Bogart thinks surveys do little more than amplify the views of the
- 5:02benighted masses. However, when reviewing the current social science literature, it becomes evident that
- 5:09Morris mischaracterizes the nature of much of the opposition to polling. That's why we will focus now
- 5:16on those who critique public opinion surveys in the name of democracy. That is, there are today a
- 5:23growing number of critics who argue that the pervasiveness of modern polling undermines
- 5:30rather than promotes democracy. How so? Well, for one thing, when attempting to defend their
- 5:37work, pollsters invariably and erroneously treat an ideal of democracy as though it were an existing
- 5:45political reality. Exhibit a in this context would be the book by Morris that I referred to moments
- 5:51ago. Public opinion surveys hand a "megaphone to the voice of the people," he writes, "causing it
- 5:58to reverberate through the halls of government." For that metaphor to work, however, our current
- 6:06political environment would have to be one in which corporate lobbyists exert but a negligible
- 6:11influence upon members of Congress who, as a matter of course, remain highly responsive to their
- 6:17engaged and informed constituents. But at best that scenario approximates a rare exception to
- 6:26the rule. At worst? It covers over and perpetuates systemic corruption and mass disaffection. Another
- 6:37idealistic defense of polling was put forward by George Gallip himself, who famously likened polling
- 6:43to legendary New England Town Hall meetings. In making this analogy, though, Gallup concedes that by
- 6:50the 1940s, the traditional town hall meeting had lost much of its original luster. Fortunately, as
- 6:58Gallup saw it, the public public opinion survey with the support of the mass media had become
- 7:03the worthy successor to the town hall meeting. When compared to the latter, Gallup claimed polling was
- 7:10far more expansive and inclusive. "The newspapers and the radio conduct the debate on national
- 7:16issues," Gallup proudly explained, "just as folks did in person in the old town hall meeting." And then, by
- 7:23responding to survey questions, "the people, having heard the debate on both sides of every issue, can
- 7:29express their will." In that sense, Gallup argues we can imagine that "the nation is literally in
- 7:35one great room." However, Bruce Miroff of Suny Albany argues that the analogy Gallup draws between town
- 7:44hall meetings and public opinion surveys falters on account of three interrelated factors. First,
- 7:51unlike participants in town hall meetings, the people surveyed cannot engage in discussions with
- 7:55one another before answering the questions that are put to them. Second, they have no influence
- 8:02over which questions are posed to them. And third, they cannot tell pollsters that they are asking the
- 8:08wrong questions or caution them that the situation is far more complex than the survey allows for. Quiz
- 8:15question number two: according to Bruce Miroff, what are two criticisms of the analogy Gallup draws
- 8:22between town hall meetings and public opinion surveys? We see then that Gallup's analogy actually draws
- 8:29attention to the shortcomings of public opinion surveys. Viewed in this critical light, polls even
- 8:36fail to bring about what Gallup identifies as their most basic and vital function: namely, to
- 8:42give the people a public platform so that their voices may be heard. Instead, through a kind of
- 8:50ventriloquism, pollsters construct something that they then call public opinion. That is, despite
- 8:58adopting increasingly sophisticated methodologies, opinion polls do not merely record
- 9:04or reflect an already existing public opinion. iI short, and this is today's main takeaway,
- 9:12they routinely manufacture it. Now, in doing so, the questions pollsters pose may at times seem trivial.
- 9:20Alternatively, the questions may be framed in a way that furthers a political agenda, especially if, as
- 9:27is the case for the issue shown here, it is one that receives overwhelming bipartisan support.
- 9:33Either way, "one of the most pernicious effects of opinion surveys, writes sociologist Pierre Bourdieu in
- 9:40an often cited and still highly influential 1972 essay, "is to put people in a position where they
- 9:46must answer a question they have never thought about. The simple fact of asking everyone the same
- 9:52question," Bourdieu continues, "falsely implies that there is a consensus about the problem, that is, an
- 9:58agreement about which questions are worth asking." Prominent elective officials, legacy media figures,
- 10:06CEOs, and interest group leaders may indeed think a particular question is worth asking in a certain
- 10:13way. If nothing else, this indicates there is a consensus among elites that an issue is important.
- 10:19But the wider public may have had nothing to do with the forming of that consensus. The opinion
- 10:26poll, however, assumes actual and potential respondents share the elites' belief that certain
- 10:32questions are worth asking while others are safely ignored. Moreover, when surveys are examined closely,
- 10:39we can see how pollsters may phrase their questions in ways that greatly narrow the parameters of
- 10:45public debate. That's why when looking at polls, we should always try to determine if the questions
- 10:51are free of framing, meaning they should not be worded in ways that lead respondents to choose
- 10:58a particular answer. Consider in that regard an October 2024 survey from Gallup, which has
- 11:05been conducted annually for a little more than two decades. Respondents to that survey were asked the
- 11:12following (and I'll try my best here to adopt the impartial tone of the pollster): in your view, do the
- 11:20Republican and Democratic parties do an adequate job of representing the American people, or do they
- 11:24do such a poor job that a third major party is needed? Quiz question three has two parts. First,
- 11:32how would you answer that poll question? Second: do you think it is free of framing? Briefly discuss.
- 11:4158% of those who took the Gallup survey answered that question in the affirmative. But we should
- 11:46linger a moment over what they were actually asked. Now, if we break the question down into its
- 11:52component parts, we see that it actually conjoins two separate questions. The first reads: in your
- 11:59view, do to the Republican and Democratic parties do an adequate job of representing the American
- 12:05people? Right off the bat, we run into serious difficulties, for what is a respondent supposed to
- 12:11say if they think the Republicans do an adequate job but the Democrats do not? And what is another
- 12:18respondent supposed to say if they think to themselves: the Democrats do an OK job, I guess,
- 12:25but, damn it all, that's just not good enough! Such respondents are in effect forced to misrepresent
- 12:32their position, no matter what answer they give. And that's even the case if out of frustration
- 12:39they opt for, I don't know, since that third possible response acts here as a catch-all, meant to sweep up
- 12:46every opinion that falls outside of Gallup's constricting either or formulation. And things
- 12:53get still worse. Say only 10 people were surveyed. While we're at it, let's also Imagine all of them
- 13:00are so put off by both parties that each one responded to the question still on the screen
- 13:06with a no. Well, in that case, we'd still largely be in the dark about what sort of opinions were
- 13:13thereby expressed. And why? Because each of those 10 people may well have different understandings
- 13:19of what the word, adequate, means, just like any 10 of you may have 10 different ways of determining
- 13:27what an adequate amount of preparation for for an exam is, or what an adequate amount of feedback from
- 13:32me on one of your quizzes should be. It depends upon the set of expectations each person has, why
- 13:40they have such expectations, and what standards they use when coming up with them. All of these
- 13:46factors are both inherently subjective and rooted in diverse social experiences, which is why there's
- 13:52no basis for assuming we have anything remotely like a consensus as to what adequate means when
- 13:58it comes to analyzing the Gallup survey results. On top of all that, we have to contend with the
- 14:06second part of the unwieldy question, which could plant the idea of the need for a major third party
- 14:12in the mind of the person who is surveyed. A beleaguered respondent fed up with both
- 14:18parties might think to themselves while taking the survey: I'd actually been thinking lately
- 14:23about the need to get big money out of election campaigns, but now that you mention it, sure, maybe
- 14:29what we really need today is the creation of a major third party. We should note here that the
- 14:35word, major, signals to the respondent that Gallup is not referring to any existing third parties,
- 14:42like, say, the Libertarians or the Greens, who in truth hardly deserve even to be called minor
- 14:48parties, as these pitiable vote totals from the 2024 election indicate. But the survey gives us no
- 14:56way of knowing whether a respondent favoring the creation of a brand new third party will then
- 15:02volunteer to help like-minded individuals build one from scratch or merely treat that belief as
- 15:08a pure fantasy, as an idle wish. Note lastly that in the Gallup question there's no way for someone
- 15:16to say that the two-party system is doing an adequate job, but we still need a major third
- 15:23party. Anyone holding that belief would simply not have a means of expressing it. They would in
- 15:30effect be silenced, and their relatively nuanced point of view would be excluded from the survey
- 15:36results. The criticisms of public opinion surveys that I've shared with you today have led social
- 15:42theorists like Jean Baudrillard to ask whether polls that often treat individuals more like test subjects
- 15:48than engaged citizens should be done away with once and for all. However, while surveys routinely
- 15:54manufacture rather than merely record public opinion, that is not say that public opinion is
- 16:01completely illusory. Shifting public attitudes, at any rate, are quite real, and so are the struggles
- 16:08for power through which certain beliefs become hegemonic. When examined critically, the data
- 16:15obtained from a poll can be treated as something more than a simple rejection or affirmation of
- 16:20an existing policy or specific proposal. Instead, such data can be counted as one source among many
- 16:28that then helps us understand the dynamic socioeconomic and cultural conditions underlying
- 16:34the shaping of opinions, the reallocating of scarce resources, the mobilizing of pressure groups, and
- 16:42the staking out of new political positions. We'll close with quiz question four, which
- 16:48like question three, has two parts. Quiz question four: first, how would you respond to the recent
- 16:56Pew Research Center question that appears on the screen? It reads: "compared with 20 years ago, do you
- 17:03think being a teenager today is harder, easier, or about the same? Second, do you think that question
- 17:11is flawed in any respect? Briefly discuss, referring to any of today's criticisms of polling as needed.
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