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Lecture 14:Dams and Development in Contemporary India — Transcript

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0:00[Music]
0:13so this is lecture number 14 on damson
0:18development in modern India so if you
0:21remember the previous lecture on
0:23colonial hydrology so we ended the
0:26previous lecture on colonial hydrology
0:28by saying that in order to understand
0:32multi-purpose River Valley development
0:34projects we need to contextualize it
0:36within the larger historical processes
0:39of hydraulic interventions in South Asia
0:43so my argument is that multipurpose
0:45river valley development projects should
0:47be understood as that kind of continued
0:50colonial legacy so far as water
0:53management or hydraulic interventions in
0:56South Asia is concerned so I want to
0:58contextualize it within the larger
1:01processes of you know Western
1:04technological interventions on the
1:06rivers of South Asia we need to
1:10understand the global context as well
1:12which is very important to understand
1:15multipurpose river valley development
1:17projects because this was the era of
1:22decolonization this was the era of
1:25decolonization and development so i will
1:28elaborate on the same so it was the era
1:30of decolonization and the implementation
1:32of the development discourse we have
1:35very fine and sophisticated literature
1:37on the same definitely I would like to
1:40cite Arturo Escobar and his book called
1:43encountering development which came out
1:45in 1995 and also a very interesting
1:48coverage by Katherine Caulfield who is a
1:51journalist and her book called the
1:54master of illusion on the development
1:57projects implemented by the development
2:00agencies like you know the World Bank so
2:03what I want to say is that during this
2:06era of decolonization
2:08there was a whole lot of anxiety and
2:10apprehension among the global players so
2:13the world was to a great extent divided
2:16into the so called first wall and third
2:19wall or the later they developed and the
2:22and little later developed and
2:24developing nations so what happened is
2:27that large-scale large-scale development
2:31projects and infrastructures were
2:34implemented in the decolonized
2:37countries in the decolonized nations and
2:40the United States and the transnational
2:43corporations and the court unquote the
2:45unholy trinity that is the World Bank
2:48the IMF and also the WTO these
2:53organizations were provided with the
2:56megalomaniacal role of implementing
2:59development in the so-called
3:00underdeveloped the so called decolonized
3:03nations of the global south so not only
3:06dams but also you know agricultural
3:09modernization or urbanization and most
3:12importantly construction of dams should
3:15be contextualized within the larger
3:18historical and political processes of
3:20decolonization and implementation of the
3:23development discourse on the global
3:26south by the so-called first world
3:28countries now so far as the must I mean
3:34specific history of multi-purpose river
3:37valley development projects are
3:38concerned we have to keep in mind that
3:41the global model was engineered in the
3:44United States and I mean with the
3:47establishment of the Tennessee Valley
3:50Authority in the 1930s and James Scott
3:54who is the author of you know
3:56fascinating to title including you know
3:58the art of not being governed or seeing
4:02like a state so James Scott pointed out
4:04that this Tennessee Valley Authority
4:06Authority or this particular project can
4:09be looked into as a module of high
4:12modernism which was prepackaged to get
4:16replicated in other parts of the globe
4:19more importantly the decolonization
4:21decolonizing makhotin code or the
4:24decolonized
4:25quote/unquote underdeveloped parts of
4:28the world so
4:38so that was the global context when the
4:41Tennessee Valley Authority was
4:42established and series of dams were
4:45constructed on the Tennessee River and
4:46it's tributaries now if we look into
4:48these specific national context the
4:50Indian context we will see that in 1943
4:55there was a massive flood in the Damodar
4:57River so this was a massive dam other
5:00flood of 1943 which generated a lot of
5:04worries and anxieties among you know
5:06among the engineers and technocrats and
5:09planners and the water experts in India
5:13and the ten member the mother Flood
5:17inquiry committee was formed to come up
5:20with solutions and recommendations
5:22relating to the problem of massive
5:25floods and Meghnad Saha he he was there
5:28who he was who was playing a pioneering
5:30role in the team he pointed out and he
5:33recommended that the replication of
5:35Tennessee Valley Authority within the
5:37Indian context was extremely urgent
5:40so that legitimized the implementation
5:43of the Tennessee Valley discourse or the
5:45Tennessee Valley ideology and also to a
5:47great extent the technical you know the
5:50technical parameters are technical nitty
5:53gritties of the Tennessee Valley within
5:55the context of South Asia and more
5:57specifically India so in 1945 that is
6:00just before our independence the central
6:04waterways irrigation and navigation
6:05Commission see winc was formed and 1950s
6:1060s 70s there was great whole lot of
6:13passion and optimism surrounding the
6:16building of India's mega dams so swine
6:19the reference is there at the end so
6:22swine said I mean swine says that as
6:25there was a kind of damn building spree
6:28in these three decades between across
6:3150s 60s and 70s and this optimism and
6:34passion is very much reflected in what
6:40Nehru said or what nahin who pointed out
6:44during the inauguration of the Nagarjuna
6:47a serger project in the 1950s more
6:50specifically 1955 so neurosis when I lay
6:53the foundation stone here of this
6:55Nagarjuna Sagar to me it is a sacred
6:58ceremony to see how sacredness the
7:00element of sacredness was also you know
7:02included in this in this multi-purpose
7:06River Valley development schemes or
7:08projects and so sacredness here but you
7:11will see that their core idea of
7:13Sakhalin s it became more concretize
7:15venero says that these are the temples
7:17of modern india so this is a foundation
7:19of the temple of this is the foundation
7:22of temple of humanity of India a symbol
7:28of new temples that we are building all
7:31over India so this Court is extremely
7:34important which captures the pride the
7:37glory the passion and the optimism and
7:39all these you know positive emotions
7:41that were associated with the phase or
7:44with the with the with this particular
7:46initiative of the dam construction in
7:48India so it was a moment of national
7:51glory a moment of national pride which
7:53is extreme which is I mean totally
7:57manifested and reflected in the I mean
8:01argument that Nehru said or in the in
8:05the comments that mahiru made during the
8:07inauguration of Nagarjuna Sagar project
8:16so as I mentioned that the era of the
8:2050s 60s 70s almost all the rivers big
8:25rivers and small rivers visualize the
8:28implementation of interventions big dams
8:32barrages etc on them and so it is
8:37included like the construction of for
8:40example the Hirakud Dam so Hirakud Dam I
8:43am emphasizing it because it is a
8:45longest dam in the wall so it included
8:48the you know the Nagarjuna Sagar project
8:53or the Nagarjuna Sagar Dam which is also
8:55like one of the largest largest
9:00in the wall and also the Bhakra dam
9:03which is again one of the highest
9:05concrete gravity dam in the world
9:07so all these big big dams on rivers like
9:11subtle age like a krishna like Mahana
9:13deep like godavari Kaveri so all these
9:17rivers visualize the implementation of
9:20big dams and barrage networks on them
9:23across the 50s 60s 70s that is the
9:27immediate post independent period now so
9:36with development of course came the
9:38price of development this is what we
9:40need to understand and as a social
9:42scientist of course I am going to
9:44highlight on the you know price of
9:46development more than the development I
9:49know and the technical components of
9:51development itself so for us there are
9:53two things which become very which you
9:56know remain very important so one is
9:59understanding technological choices as
10:02you know or understanding networks for
10:05technological choices or processes as
10:08historical solutions to specific
10:12construction of problem so for us
10:14understanding the broader political and
10:17that you know historical context becomes
10:20very important that why a particular
10:22project was implemented or was perceived
10:26during a particular point of time so
10:29what where the political economic logic
10:32or what were the political economic
10:33imperatives that provoked the
10:35implementation of that particular
10:37project during that particular point of
10:40time so this becomes important for a
10:41social scientist to understand a lot
10:44this is one and the second thing is that
10:46we are also very much concerned about
10:48the about what happens during the post
10:51implemented implementation period
10:52so with dams or with development is very
10:56much associated the price of development
10:58which will see that how you know it
11:01generated whole lot of ecological and
11:04social implications more importantly
11:06social implications in the form of
11:08displacement so this particular phrase
11:10called the price of developed
11:12I'm bringing it from or I am using it
11:14from Walter Fernandez who is another
11:17very important you know water expert so
11:20he wrote a paper in 1993 which was
11:22published in the seminar and the title
11:24of the article itself is the price of
11:26development so I am using this that with
11:29dams or this kind of you know
11:32multipurpose river very development
11:33projects and schemes came the price of
11:36development in the form of submergence
11:38of vast areas of forest agricultural
11:43lands and not only you know these
11:45ecological implications or impacts but
11:50also social impacts like massive
11:53population distillation
11:54so according to data like if we go
11:57through franchise article we find that
12:00between 1951 and 1985 in these decades
12:04around 21 million people were displaced
12:07so this was the cost of a social cause
12:10of dam construction in India and of
12:14course the rehabilitation packages were
12:16provided there where there I mean the
12:18complex resettlement process I mean
12:22there are stories of complex stories of
12:24resettlement processes but again like
12:27rehabilitation or relocation packages
12:30resettlement process of inadequate
12:32limited and to a great extent
12:35unsuccessful so there are several
12:37articles book chapters and reports that
12:40bring out the limitedness or that bring
12:43out the inadequacy of these resettlement
12:46or relocation packages but one thing
12:51that is a disaster be kept in mind is
12:52that during the nineteen fifties and
12:55sixties or for that matter you know the
12:58early 70s as well we don't find much
13:01significant protest against construction
13:05of dams though there were displacement
13:07because displacement I mean the from the
13:11time when dam dams were constructed or
13:14even since the pre-implementation phase
13:16a land where acquired lands were NX and
13:20people were displaced so from the very
13:22beginning their dam construction
13:25actually
13:25also is associated with the process of
13:28displacement but one needs to keep in
13:31mind that during the initial years or
13:33during the initial decades there are no
13:35significant protests because our whole
13:38country was to a great extent optimistic
13:41towards this kind of massive big
13:44infrastructure projects because I mean
13:47it was thought upon that big would be
13:49beautiful and India's immediate economic
13:52objectives or India's immediate economic
13:55objectives could be accomplished through
13:57the construction of them so it was very
14:00important it was imperative for a
14:03decolonized nation like India to make
14:05space for the you know for for for the
14:08multi-purpose development projects and
14:10schemes so there were no significant
14:12protests there very few protests but
14:14those were too weak and they were you
14:17know dismissed at the outset so we can
14:19remember like how even Nehru he tried to
14:22dismiss the claims made by the socialist
14:26leader but like Ram Manohar Lohia who
14:29were extremely you know who were
14:32criticizing criticizing these River
14:34Valley schemes and dam construction so
14:38it was a general understanding that
14:40local interests for the time being had
14:43to be sacrificed at national cost so
14:45this was the situation during 50s and
14:4860s but if you go through some write-ups
14:53and reports we find out that you know
14:55the cost of displacement we're however
14:57huge from the very beginning itself so
15:00Chan dog and gorsh writes in their 1995
15:03paper that the very few people whose
15:05wealth and welfare you have to you know
15:08take note of these two key words both
15:10wealth and welfare so the very few other
15:12very people whose wealth and welfare the
15:15projects were supposed to enhance and
15:17now wash off economically and
15:19demoralized socially so this is the you
15:22know environment environmental impact so
15:25these were the environmental impact and
15:26social impact of them and you can
15:29understand that during that time during
15:31the initial decades of the formulation
15:33of these projects no detail e IA or that
15:37his environmental impact assessments
15:39were conducted and si yeah that is
15:42social impact that is amend during that
15:44time it was not you know it was not
15:46involved at all so of course the the
15:49costs of constructions during the pre
15:52implementation period during the
15:53implementation period and also did the
15:55post in the implementation period were
15:57severe and huge now we come to late
16:081970s and late 1970s is the era of anti
16:15dam resistance so the initial decade of
16:18you know no resistance or very weak and
16:21timid resistance was replaced by the era
16:24of strong anti dam resistance since the
16:271970s because now protests became become
16:31severe against these you know these
16:34strong social ecological implement
16:37implications of dam construction that
16:39included as we had learned deforestation
16:41water logging downstream water shortages
16:44irritation salinization whatnot and of
16:46course social costs and social problems
16:48like displacement and in adequate
16:51rehabilitates rehabilitation schemes so
16:54now what I will do is that we will look
16:55into some of these very significant and
16:58prominent and important anti dam
17:01resistance that took not only the nation
17:03but also drew lot of international
17:06attention and the consequence is varied
17:09from you know the cancellation or
17:11abandonment of project - you know
17:14partial implementation of project - I
17:17mean no cancellation no abandonment even
17:20know not even minor modification in the
17:24in those projects at all so there were
17:28the consequences had varied the
17:31consequences had been different but the
17:34two are great extent the nature of this
17:36anti dam resistant had been I mean we
17:40find some stark similarities
17:43so far as the nature and pattern of the
17:46anti dam resistances are concerned that
17:49started since late 1970s and that is
17:52going on till date so to begin with this
17:57is the theory the movement and it is one
17:59of the oldest anti dam resistant
18:02movement in India you can see the
18:04picture of the great cheap Collider
18:06sundarlal Bahuguna who was also
18:08associated with the you know theory dam
18:11movement because his group and the the
18:15the famous organization called the
18:18theory bond Bharati some harsh and
18:21semitic so the Taheri bond bureau these
18:23Hankerson samithy soon that that
18:25Bahuguna they mobilized different other
18:28organizations they mobilize the local
18:30people they mobilized you know people
18:33inhabiting the area because this dam was
18:36supposed to there's they were supposed
18:38to get constructed on I mean of course
18:41in Uttaranchal and on river Bhagirathi
18:47and so it so this is the this is the
18:50site of this was a proposed site of
18:52construction but this movement was
18:55successful to a great extent that
18:58finally the project was abundant so what
19:01I would like you to do is that in as it
19:03will be very difficult for me to cover
19:05all the detail aspects or components of
19:09these very important movements that look
19:11place in India since 1970s till today in
19:15this 30 minutes or 40 minutes duration
19:17lecture so I request you to go through
19:20the you know details or the
19:21technicalities and also social aspects
19:24relating to these anti dam resistances
19:26or anti-de movements in India
19:36so another movement again a very
19:38successful movement
19:40unqualified success and there's a very
19:43interesting documentary which you will
19:45find in a wave of course which is called
19:48only an axe away only an X away so if
19:52you see this documentary you will be
19:55able to understand some of the important
19:59aspects of crucial aspects relating to
20:01the Silent Valley movement so Silent
20:03Valley movement it was I mean the
20:05protest was against the construction of
20:08the Silent Valley hydroelectric project
20:11in Kerala so the understanding was that
20:13this particular dam or this project
20:17would actually inflict lot of harm on
20:21you can see the tropical rainforest here
20:23so it will harm the biological life it
20:26will harm the ecological balance in the
20:29tropical rainforest of Kerala so the
20:32people and mainly the Kerala Shastra
20:35Shall Perish of K s SP which is
20:37otherwise a you know a body that was
20:40mainly interested about literature and
20:42cultural aspects and all that so they
20:44they took a political take and political
20:46political stance and they started
20:49mobilizing people they started
20:52mobilizing the middle class but mainly
20:53the local people the marginalized
20:56communities whose lives would be
20:58affected by this project so they
21:00mobilize them and finally the pressure
21:02was so huge on the government that this
21:05project was also cancelled in 1984 so
21:15and this is known as the anti damn
21:19resistance of the highest-profile so I
21:23don't know I might be a little bit
21:25criticized by people who might be
21:28counter this connotation but this is not
21:31my coinage but you know the experts only
21:35they say that this is the anti damn
21:39resistance of highest-profile
21:41not only in India but you know of course
21:44it also gained a lot of international
21:46recognition we will see the chronology
21:49of events we will see the timeline and
21:51we'll understand how I mean how long I
21:54mean I mean we will understand the
21:56duration because it is it is it has a
22:00stretch of more than few decades from
22:03the inception of the project since the
22:061960s so when there are a lot of talks
22:08that you know this project or the Sardar
22:10Sarovar project will be implemented till
22:14today
22:14so finally 2017 I mean the project has
22:18been finally inaugurated but there is a
22:21decadal history of what had happened
22:24like how this project was perceived so I
22:27mean and the technicalities of the sir
22:30desirable project and why and how people
22:32had resisted against the Sardar Sarovar
22:35project what had been the consequences
22:37the pressure on the government so how
22:40the government had addressed the needs
22:42and interests and the arguments of the
22:45protesters then what had happened and
22:47the long series of events that had
22:50occurs is the last few degrees so it's a
22:51big movement it's an umbrella movement
22:54and I mean whatever it would have been
22:58actually just to make a presentation on
23:02Narmada Bachao Andolan itself but that
23:05was not possible so I have just I'm just
23:08touching Narmada Bachao Andolan here and
23:11I will ask you to go through the
23:14chronology of events to understand the
23:17movement to learn the pattern of the
23:19movement because this is a movement
23:21which we really need to understand
23:23everyone the civil I mean the the the
23:26scientists the
23:27engineers the social scientists any
23:29citizen of India really need to
23:31understand the pattern of the narmada
23:33bachao movement across the last I mean
23:38more than three three and a half decades
23:41so this is the picture of I think you
23:45all know made her part car who is I mean
23:48who is the forefront leader of the
23:51narmada bachao under them again I might
23:53be criticized there might be controversy
23:55that why I am highlighting only meta
23:57particle because there are many other
23:58people who are associated with the
24:01Narmada Bachao Andolan and it is we all
24:03know you know we I mean people who are
24:05trained in history we know that we
24:07should not be actually focusing on one
24:09particular leader because that does
24:12injustice to number of subaltern masses
24:14who are otherwise involved in you know
24:16big projects or big resistances or big
24:21protest movements like that but anyway I
24:25have kept the image of Mehta Parker
24:28because Maeda Parker of course she
24:30played a leading role in this particular
24:34movement and lot of milestones were
24:36achieved under her leadership so far as
24:39narmada bachao is concerned so and a few
24:44data so there was a whole lot of data on
24:46Narmada Bachao Andolan but i must say
24:50that you these two books are not there
24:52in the reference list but these are
24:54additional references so one is by
24:57Amitabh avi scott she has worked on this
25:03particular movement so the name of the
25:07book is in the belly of a river so this
25:11is the Narmada River so in the belly of
25:13a t1 you must at least go through the
25:16introduction of Amitabha scars in the
25:18belly of a river and there is another
25:20book by or on the thyroid it is called
25:28the algebra of infinite justice so or
25:31Ando theory is a very famous personality
25:34lot of controversies surrounding her as
25:36well so let us not go into that but
25:38definitely I would ask you provocative
25:41go through the algebra infinite justice
25:42and you will be able to understand the
25:45scale gravity of this intensity of
25:48course of this particular movement
25:51called narmada bachao so just one or two
25:54details I would be sharing with you then
25:56I will just give you a document share
25:58with you a document on the chronology of
26:01events between 1961 and the contemporary
26:05times 2017 so far as this movement is
26:08concerned so just one or two detail so
26:13one thing is that it is a project that I
26:17mean of comprising three major states of
26:20India Mother Pradesh Maharashtra and
26:23Gujarat and today also lot of problems
26:27and lot of hot I mean whole lot of
26:30hotbed of controversies and heated
26:32exchanges are going on across these
26:35states so far as water sharing is
26:37concerned so Gujarat Gujarat the farmers
26:40they're complaining about no prolonged
26:42drought and they're complaining about
26:44water challenges and water severity
26:47due to these Sardar Sarovar project so
26:50this is one so if you go through some of
26:53the you know very popular also but also
26:57very significant journals like down
27:00toward or for that matter some of the
27:02articles in EPW you will get to know
27:04like the scenario farmers protest and
27:09farmers allegations and lot of other
27:11things that are going on in the field
27:13due to the implementation of the Sardar
27:15Sarovar project so initially when it was
27:17it was conceived so the experts came out
27:21with the finding that it will if the
27:25project is implemented at at its full
27:28scale then then it will displace not
27:31less than 2 million people so this was
27:34one so more than 250 villages will get
27:37submerged and more than like 30 for
27:4135,000 hectares of land will get
27:45underwater so these these were the
27:48massive implications of the project but
27:50then unfortunate so there was whole lot
27:53of
27:54there is whole lot of resistances which
27:56actually started in Gujarat and then
28:00there were protests by grassroot
28:02organization and non-governmental
28:04organizations civil bodies in
28:08Maharashtra and Mother Pradesh and all
28:10these so all these grassroot
28:18organizations and all these you know
28:20civil society organizations which were
28:23protesting in Gujarat MP and Maharashtra
28:25they marched together to form what is
28:29known as the Narmada Bachao Andolan or
28:31the narmada bachao alliance and this was
28:35so important that it not only
28:37pressurized the the Indian government
28:40but a do large-scale international
28:42attention
28:43so the Japanese government even the
28:46World Bank became extremely involved in
28:48the nativities of the project so I will
28:50not go beyond this but it will be your
28:53task now to go through the chronology of
29:05evens everything is there
29:09this is the historical timeline time
29:12scale about the projects you please go
29:15through the entire timeline and and try
29:23to learn like what happened which here I
29:26mean not year by year the depiction of
29:30events is very important but what is
29:32important is that how the movement
29:34started what happened at the middle how
29:38the state reacted how the state
29:40addressed the you know the the points
29:43raised and the arguments raised by the
29:45protesters and then finally what
29:47happened so these are the things which
29:49we really need to learn about the
29:51Narmada Bachao Andolan and there are lot
29:55of works on this I can also remember
29:57Patrick McCulley's work mamita Bobby's
30:00car or on the theory or many others many
30:02others so please go through some of the
30:04works about Narmada Bachao Andolan
30:09yes so I highlighted that any damn
30:13resistance I highlighted the lake Silent
30:18Valley movement I talked about non
30:20motherbitch Alain Delon but there are
30:21many other small-scale movements as well
30:25so I don't think small-scale we will be
30:27an appropriate term to categorize this
30:30or classify these movements as but we
30:33can say that these are some movements
30:34which are to a great extent under X
30:39thought but these are also now
30:41fascinating movements which put a lot of
30:43pressure on the state government and
30:45also the national government and some
30:48projects were compelled to get an ax and
30:50abundant so these are some of the
30:53examples like no the Shanti Prasad
30:55bought a CP but who was again associated
30:58with this cheap core movement he
31:00protested he and his group team members
31:03they protested against the construction
31:05of the Vishnu program on the awoken on
31:07the river then there was a movement by
31:09the farmers and the mineral tribals
31:12against the construction of the quail
31:14karo Thompson zircon so the farmers and
31:17agricultural laborers of Tamil Nadu the
31:20protested against the poon didim and
31:21Betsey damn this is another success
31:24story where the farmers of Karnataka
31:26they protested against the
31:27implementation of baptism and finally
31:29the project had to be canceled so the
31:32fight is still on still on it is a
31:34constant fight between the state and the
31:39people with so many other stakeholders
31:42in between always you know it's not a
31:46linear story but you know to a great
31:49extent I mean there are heavily loaded
31:53power equations and politics relating to
31:56multi-purpose River Valley development
31:58projects and schemes like some of my
32:01other presentation here also I would
32:02like to highlight that what is the role
32:05of social sciences so far as you know
32:07understanding dams are concerned so the
32:09role of social scientists or the role of
32:11history and these I will emphasize time
32:12and again and keep on asserting because
32:15I very much feel that the engineers and
32:17the you know but the the technicians
32:19they really need to understand
32:21these social science components because
32:23if they want to come up with you know if
32:26they want to come up with the technical
32:27design for them they need to consider
32:30you know the very crucial and important
32:33aspects of environmental impact
32:35assessment or social impact assessment
32:37and all these other things that are so
32:39very important into the pre
32:41implementation implementation and post
32:43implementation phases so what I would
32:46like to highlight is that we not only
32:48need to concentrate on the technical
32:50component but we also need to you know
32:53highlight on we also need to understand
32:55the larger historical and political
32:57processes that had made way to the
33:00implementation of these kind of projects
33:02so the fight is on and I will say the
33:04stories are very complex and
33:06multi-purpose River Valley developments
33:08projects actually embed lot of
33:12complexities because these complexities
33:14and challenges that these are not only
33:16restricted and limited to the local and
33:19national scale but they transcend the
33:22local and national scale and include and
33:25consists of transnational geopolitical
33:28complexities
33:29now if you just take a look into the
33:30picture you will see that this is the
33:32Ganges River I'm sorry the picture is
33:35not that clear maybe but I think you can
33:37read I mean you can read the details
33:40that are there so this is a snapshot
33:43that shows the different major
33:48infrastructure interventions on the
33:50river Ganges from upstream to downstream
33:52and we all know that how downstream
33:55areas how downstream regions and
33:57countries they actually to a great
33:59extent are affected by large-scale
34:02infrastructure interventions so so what
34:04I want to highlight is that it is not
34:06only a national affair but it is also
34:08transnational affair involving
34:11geopolitical equations and involve in
34:13the operatically complexities where
34:15marginalized vulnerable people across
34:19you know national boundaries they keep
34:22suffering this will become clear when I
34:25will proceed on to the next lecture and
34:27we'll do a case study you know from
34:32taking into consideration these are
34:34fix that I had covered in this
34:35particular lecture so the case study
34:37would be on the Farakka barrage project
34:40where I will be covering the technical
34:42details but also the you know social
34:44impact and the environmental impact of
34:46the construction of Farakka barrage on
34:50the people of West Bank all more
34:52specifically the upstream and the
34:53downstream districts and it will become
34:56clear to us that how I mean how the
34:59people suffer what are the massive and
35:02severe social ecological cause of big
35:05scale large-scale intervention like this
35:08so these are some of the differences
35:11that we were talking about so we talked
35:13about Katherine Caulfield you need to go
35:15through masses evolution and Escobar for
35:19understanding the development discourse
35:21that was imposed on the decolonized
35:23nation in the immediate during the 1940s
35:26in during the immediate post-world War
35:28two scenario then there these there are
35:31some you know references on the
35:34grassroots movements and the
35:36consequences of dam construction so far
35:39as displacement and the resettlement are
35:42concerned and yeah so some reports yes
35:47that's it thank you

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