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Lecture 03 - Historical Origins and Major Assumptions of the Ecological Paradigm — Transcript

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0:11hi
0:12everybody so today we're going to start
0:14with an in-class uh little exercise
0:16which I think you're going to enjoy um
0:18what we'd like you to do is meet seven
0:22new people so we're going to give you a
0:23little time to uh get to know each other
0:26so seven people write down on a piece of
0:28paper who you've met
0:30at least seven and then we'll ask you to
0:32hand that in with your name and student
0:34number at the
0:45top okay how you guys doing you guys
0:49meet your seven people now what did you
0:52guys notice about that exercise any
0:55thoughts or impressions of what was
0:57happening there so remember the first
0:59day when I demonstrated turning down the
1:01lights and how that reduces a sense of
1:03crowding you can turn this into a lounge
1:06you can turn it into kind of a party
1:07environment by adding some music and
1:09changing the Norms in the classroom so
1:11rather than just being a sterile you
1:13know classroom suddenly our lecture hall
1:15becomes something quite different other
1:16impressions of the exercise and your
1:19experience of
1:20it yeah I think under the circumstance
1:24when you said that it will be a
1:26participation I think we were we have to
1:28get seven names so we were kind of r
1:29rush me that you rushing if you maybe
1:32didn't tell us that we could have maybe
1:33mingled a little bit more and like spend
1:35some time on more like each person well
1:38we couldn't party for the whole class
1:39session so but you'll have more more
1:42opportunities to do that kind of thing
1:43don't worry I promise you when you're
1:45when you're told to meet people and go
1:47into a social mode people get friendly
1:48they get kind of relaxed so that's kind
1:51of an important point of environmental
1:53psychology the Norms in any setting that
1:56you're participating in and the phys
1:59iCal characteristics whether it's the
2:01lighting or the the music make a huge
2:03difference in terms of how people
2:05interact with each other and today we're
2:07going to be talking about some research
2:10that bears directly on kind of what you
2:12just did so in general we're going to
2:16talk today
2:17about uh deterministic theories of
2:20environment and behavior and that means
2:23an idea that any particular part of the
2:26environment like living next to somebody
2:29in your apartment complex determines
2:31your friendship that you're going to
2:32meet them and become friends and there
2:34are some deterministic views of
2:36environment behavior that environments
2:38have invariant Direct effects on people
2:41and they're not really moderated very
2:43much by the context in which they're
2:45experienced so that's a deterministic
2:46theory the ecological Paradigm is an
2:50alternative to that because it begins to
2:52put environment and behavior in a broad
2:54context where you have different layers
2:56from your micro settings on out to the
2:58global environment and how all of those
3:01influences affect your interpersonal
3:03relationships whether you feel stressed
3:06in an environment so the ecological
3:08Paradigm tends to be less deterministic
3:10and more situation specific or
3:12culturally specific so uh in general
3:17when we say we're talking about Theory
3:19what we mean is a proposed explanation
3:21for any given phenomenon whether you're
3:22studying how people interact in a
3:25classroom or you're studying whether
3:26noise has negative effects on children
3:29going to school a flight path so that's
3:31we're trying to explain uh why it is
3:34that a child's blood pressure might go
3:36up when they're exposed to
3:38high-intensity noise going to school
3:40under a flight path and it turns out
3:43that uh noise has a fairly deterministic
3:46effect on blood pressure and heart rate
3:48across all cultures and different
3:50settings if you expose people to very
3:52high intensity noise their physiological
3:54arousal tends to go up their blood
3:55pressure and their heart rate tends to
3:56go up a paradigm is is a more General
4:01kind of perspective that includes a lot
4:04of sub theories and a lot of General
4:06assumptions about a particular way of
4:08viewing the world and this idea of
4:10Paradigm was coined by Thomas cun who
4:12wrote a very important book the
4:14structure of scientific revolutions
4:15because he was interested in how does
4:17science progress is it just an
4:19accumulation of facts or is there a kind
4:22of adherence among scientists to a
4:24particular world view and suddenly
4:27something comes along that provides a
4:28better explanation and they shift
4:30worldviews so Newtonian physics argued
4:32that mass is always conserved and
4:34there's such a thing as absolute time
4:37einsteinian physics came along and said
4:39no Mass can be converted to energy under
4:41certain
4:42circumstances and time is relative it's
4:45not absolute so that was a paradigm
4:47shift so when we talk about theories and
4:49paradigms theories are broader than a
4:51particular Theory so determinism would
4:53be a kind of perspective a broad
4:56paradigmatic or Paradigm perspective
4:59that whether we're talking about a
5:00physical environment or a social
5:02environment they exert direct and
5:03invariant influences on our Behavior
5:06development health and as Winston
5:09Churchill said reshape our buildings and
5:11afterwards our buildings shape us so
5:13we're going to talk about an example of
5:15a deterministic theory and it relates
5:17very much to the exercise we started out
5:19with today and that's the idea that
5:21spatial proximity among neighbors
5:23promotes friendship formation and this
5:26is discussed in the eighth chapter of
5:28Michaelson which is in your readings
5:30file but if you want to learn a little
5:32bit more beyond what I'm talking about
5:34in lecture you can read it and this is
5:35an example of environmentally
5:37deterministic Theory so what the
5:39researchers did in this particular study
5:42at MIT is they looked at uh graduate
5:46students living in these two housing
5:49complexes at MIT and this was right
5:51after World War II when they the people
5:54were coming back from the war and they
5:55were starting to go back to school and
5:58this was one of the complexes
6:00which were basically single rise
6:02apartments they uh named Westgate and
6:05then this is another design at MIT
6:07Westgate West where it was a two-story
6:09kind of thing so these were the
6:11environments where they uh did their
6:13research and what they found is that
6:15there was a very significant prediction
6:18of who became friends with whom just in
6:21terms of the uh StraightLine linear
6:24distance between front doors of those
6:26apartments so people that tended to live
6:28closer together became friends and they
6:30developed similar political attitudes
6:32and they bought kind of the same kind of
6:34refrigerators and appliances there was a
6:36Conformity based on that friendship
6:38formation so you bump into people uh as
6:41a as a function of living close to them
6:43and then you're likely to become friends
6:44with them in this particular situation
6:47here what they found is um not just that
6:52people seven and8 would be more likely
6:55to be friends than some other people in
6:56the building but rather the people that
6:58lived near the stairwell
7:00where there was a lot of
7:01traffic uh people coming down the stairs
7:04stopping Under the Stairs to get their
7:05mail if the mailboxes were in the
7:07stairwell those people had much uh
7:10greater likelihood to form friendships
7:12with others in the building so the
7:14findings of this study uh were referred
7:16to as physical distance affecting
7:19friendship formation here what proved to
7:22be a stronger influence was functional
7:24distance that is where activities uh how
7:28activities of individuals are organized
7:30in that environment So Physical distance
7:32the spatial separation between front
7:34doors of neighbors functional distance
7:36the patterning of people's
7:37movement now there's certain aspects of
7:40the environment that can affect
7:41functional distance so if I put a
7:42basketball hoop uh near the Middle Earth
7:46dorms and there is a basketball court
7:48there we know that those kind of public
7:50environments that draw activity become
7:53uh promoters of people meeting each
7:55other and they decrease functional
7:57distance so this gets back to what we
8:00were talking about during the first
8:01class when we said that we were going to
8:03uh compare soopal and sociofugal
8:06environment soopal being those that are
8:09designed in ways to bring people
8:10together soopal are designed to minimize
8:13interpersonal contact such as Library
8:16carols church pews so these are examples
8:18of sociofugal environments that increase
8:21functional distance they keep people
8:23apart either because the norms and the
8:25setting like in a library sort of demand
8:27that you don't uh converse with people
8:29loudly you don't mingle very much
8:31whereas in these informal spaces or with
8:34the mailboxes or basketball hoops they
8:36tend to reduce functional distance they
8:39bring people together that way so you
8:41can also think of other examples lounges
8:43and dormitories and the like so
8:45everybody clear on on that distinction
8:47between soopal and sociofugal
8:51okay now we know that the relationship
8:54between proximity and friendship
8:56formation is not deterministic and
8:58invariant
9:00because you can take that physical fact
9:02to proximity and assume it's going to
9:05increase the likelihood of friendship
9:06formation but when these researchers
9:09went beyond
9:10MIT and they studied this phenomenon in
9:12the suburbs of Boston where not
9:15everybody living next to each other were
9:17fellow students and there was a
9:19diversity of ethnic groups and racial
9:21groups living in the same neighborhood
9:24there this relationship between
9:26proximity and friendship formation
9:27didn't hold it was weaker
9:29so when you have greater dissimilarity
9:31of people living in that environment the
9:34influence of proximity is less and of
9:37course when you have people that have
9:39higher income so that they're more
9:41mobile they go on vacations more often
9:43they move around the city they're not
9:44just locked into their own neighborhood
9:47or they're connected to the internet as
9:49we are today we're less dependent now on
9:53proximity and spatial closeness for our
9:55friendship formation so now we're we're
9:58virtually friends with many many people
10:00that are living quite remotely from us
10:03and perceive similarity when you've got
10:05folks that uh perceive that they're
10:07different even if they're living close
10:08to each other they often tend not to try
10:10to meet and get to know each other so
10:13you saw in this classroom that for many
10:15of you there was a kind of inclination
10:18to stay put it was convenient to kind of
10:20stay in your chairs look around who's
10:22seated near you and get to know them at
10:25least write down their names you'll get
10:26to know them better as the weeks go on
10:28but a few few of you did kind of
10:30circulate and roam uh but but generally
10:33the inclination is toward uh when you're
10:37in a place-based setting like this we're
10:38not talking about virtual friendships
10:40and meeting people online but when
10:42you're in a place there is a kind of
10:43inertia to use physical proximity as a
10:46reference point in terms of who you meet
10:48and who you interact with so I think
10:50you're you know that the exercise sort
10:52of bore out some of the things that they
10:54saw in that particular study at MIT and
10:58these are some of the factors that
11:00reduce the deterministic effect of
11:02spatial proximity on friendship
11:04formation when you have diverse
11:06neighbors they don't need each other for
11:08Mutual assistance in a lot of apartment
11:10buildings uh let's say single family
11:12homes where a mom is trying to take care
11:15of her kids and uh somebody next door
11:18has got the same situation and she'll
11:20ask someone can you watch my kids or can
11:23I borrow an egg when you have that need
11:25for Mutual assistance there's much
11:26greater effect of proximity on
11:27friendship formation when people don't
11:29need each other as much less so
11:32affluence and Mobility tend to reduce
11:34that deterministic relationship and of
11:36course access to Virtual contacts with
11:39other
11:40folks now here I'm going to shift from
11:43talking about spatial Behavior to
11:45another realm that we're interested in
11:47this course how many of you are public
11:49health majors in the class okay so I'm
11:52going to talk here about different
11:55paradigms for understanding Health from
11:58the biomedical model model which looks
12:00primarily at how physiological and
12:03genetic biological processes influence
12:05people's well-being then you have a a
12:08bioc psychosocial model that's developed
12:10more in the realm of uh folks in PSB we
12:13have a number of Health psychologists in
12:14PSB that study the interplay between
12:17biological psychological and social
12:19factors in health and then even more
12:21broadly you have the social ecological
12:23model or Paradigm which gives a lot more
12:25attention to the physical environment
12:27and health such as airplane noise other
12:29kinds of stressors traffic ingestion um
12:33information overload happening to people
12:36uh because of trying to process too much
12:37virtual information so the social
12:39ecological model includes biomedical
12:41factors and bioc psychosocial but it
12:44begins to bring in an even broader scale
12:47of the environment where we're looking
12:49at you know what's the effect of adverse
12:51climate change on people's health and
12:54behavior it's not just the social
12:56environment but it's even uh much
12:58broader chunks of physical environment
13:00here's a particular uh Health question
13:03why do people catch colds why do you
13:05guys catch colds why do I catch a cold
13:07does this tend to happen to us you know
13:10at different times of the year maybe at
13:12the end of a quarter when we finished up
13:14our exams and we think we're going off
13:16on spring break and then we get sick all
13:18of a sudden why does that happen so a
13:20deterministic explanation of illness
13:23that grew out of the biomedical Paradigm
13:25is the germ Theory how many of you are
13:27familiar with the germ theory of disease
13:30so what does the germ Theory say Armando
13:33uh that people get sick from Contracting
13:35germs from each other okay so there are
13:37these pathogens that are floating around
13:39in our environment we touch a
13:41contaminated surface or somebody coughs
13:43in our face and we're the host the
13:45pathogen invades the host and then we
13:49break out with some kind of illness
13:50symptom so this is the germ Theory as
13:53developed by Louie pasture and Joseph
13:55liser and it's a pretty deterministic
13:58and variant model model of health and
14:00and disease in the sense that germs are
14:03out there they're going to get us uh
14:05maybe to some extent less so for some
14:08people because they're genetically more
14:11resistant but it's all explained in
14:13terms of biological factors now there's
14:15some interesting research that began to
14:18uh develop in the social and behavioral
14:21sciences that question well if people
14:23are under stress of various kinds
14:26whether it's relationship stress or
14:27environmental stress does that somehow
14:30compromise their immune systems very
14:32interesting question so the issue of
14:34stress began to be brought in
14:38understanding Health a stressor is any
14:40environmental demand that taxes or
14:42exceeds the individual's adaptive
14:44capacity you know if you go outside and
14:47it's freezing cold and you don't have a
14:48jacket on sooner or later you're going
14:50to feel pretty cold you're going to
14:52start shivering and you may get sick if
14:54you're out there long enough uh so
14:56that's kind of a physiological model of
14:58stress
15:00what these researchers did Sheldon Cohen
15:03uh Tyrell and Smith at Carnegie melon is
15:07they decided to test the notion that
15:09psychological stress might be a
15:13moderator of people's reactions to
15:15microbes or pathogens so what they did
15:18is they
15:19recruited several college students to
15:21come to a dormatory uh early part of the
15:23summer they were paid a fair amount of
15:25money to check into the dorm for a
15:27couple weeks and get exposed to viruses
15:29cold viruses and most people don't kind
15:31of like to get a cold but these people
15:33were willing to you know for the good of
15:35science to take that chance so they
15:37checked into this closed environment and
15:40before they went in they filled out
15:42Cohen's perceived stress scale and the
15:44perceived stress stress scale ask people
15:48to what extent they're under excessive
15:51demands for the preceding four to six
15:53weeks and how they're managing coping
15:57with everything they have to do so
15:58they're 10 or 14 different items that
16:01assess areas of stress in their life and
16:04then what the researchers did is they
16:06divided the group the sample into two
16:09different groups the high stress group
16:11who psychologically said they're more
16:13stressed out and the lower stress group
16:16that were in the bottom half of the
16:17sample they had less stress and what
16:19they found is that when the low stress
16:21group was exposed to the Rhino virus
16:24they didn't get sick necessarily or they
16:26got milder symptoms than those in the
16:29stress group so the evidence here was
16:32that uh psychological stress was having
16:36a kind of moderating effect on the germ
16:38Theory the germs were not invar
16:42infecting the individuals in that study
16:44but rather they they tended to pick on
16:46those that came in with more stress in
16:48their lives before they got to the
16:51experiment so what Cohen did is he kind
16:54of expanded his theory of health and
16:56illness beyond the biomedical model
16:59to include the biocycle social model in
17:03the sense that he assessed psychological
17:05and social stressors in a scale and
17:08psychological stress is a little
17:09different than physiological stress
17:11where it's any demand exceeding the
17:13body's capacity to cope and
17:15psychological adds the notion of
17:17perceived environmental demands so some
17:20of you may go into a midterm exam
17:22feeling pretty stressed about it because
17:24you don't feel like you're ready you're
17:25nervous about it others feel like you've
17:27studied you've gone to lectures you're
17:28really prepared so it's that perception
17:31of environmental demands and the demands
17:33themselves are not invariant to
17:35everybody they're individual differences
17:36depending on their perception and then
17:38you can also perceive whether you have
17:40the coping assets or capacity to deal
17:43with those demands and if you're
17:45confident if you're feeling like uh
17:47you're able to deal with any eventuality
17:50then you're going to have a low level of
17:51psychological stress so the way stress
17:53is defined in biology and in Psychology
17:57is quite different
18:01so when we began the class I mentioned
18:04that uh much of what we study in
18:06environmental psychology is
18:07interdisciplinary it's involving the
18:10combination of different kinds of
18:12disciplinary information or what we
18:14would call facts uh so a a discipline is
18:18a field of research focusing on
18:20particular substantive areas biological
18:23psychological social physical
18:24environmental phenomena or facts that
18:27come out of the research on those phen
18:28PHA and particular levels of analysis
18:31are emphasized so in molecular biology
18:35uh you may have a kind of genetic
18:37cellular level of analysis in social
18:40psychology you'll have more of an
18:41interpersonal level of analysis and then
18:44you can go even more macro if you're
18:45looking at sociology or criminology so a
18:47discipline has these substantive
18:49emphases uh these analytical levels and
18:51their own particular Concepts and
18:53methods so the concept of The Germ
18:55Theory uh was a particular Exemplar
18:59associated with uh biology and
19:02Medicine cross-disciplinary re research
19:05is simply a process where you're
19:07combining two or more disciplinary
19:09perspectives or professional
19:11perspectives to achieve a greater
19:14understanding of a particular phenomenon
19:15so that's what we're doing a lot in the
19:18examples we'll be talking about in this
19:19class whether it's borrowing from
19:21architecture geography psychology
19:23sociology criminology bringing those
19:25together and what Cohen did in his study
19:27of psychological stress and colds is
19:31that he creatively combined these
19:34different kinds of facts biological um
19:37psychological social he didn't have a
19:40lot on the physical environment in that
19:41particular study but he was mixing
19:43across these different levels of
19:45analysis and facts so that's what we
19:46mean by interdisciplinary or
19:49cross-disciplinary
19:51research okay so I've talked a little
19:53bit about theoretical foundations and
19:56Paradigm kind of foundations of our
19:58field and this week is really laying out
20:01some general principles of environment
20:04Behavior next Thursday we're going to
20:06talk about stress Theory and uh and then
20:09by the time we get into the following
20:11week we start to unpack that diagram I
20:13showed you last time in terms of those
20:15four different areas of research in the
20:16field starting with environmental
20:18cognition and personality moving into
20:21environmental assessments research
20:22attitudes then going up to studies of
20:26stress so we'll we'll work through each
20:28of those but before we get to the actual
20:31uh those actual findings within each of
20:33those areas of our field we want to lay
20:35out these general principles of ecology
20:37and stress and systems analysis so
20:39that's what we're doing today and and on
20:41Thursday so what I'd like to do now is
20:44move into what do we mean by the
20:46ecological Paradigm where did that come
20:48from so when you go out on the uh job
20:51market after you graduate or you apply
20:53for grad school and you're trying to
20:54explain what is social ecology hopefully
20:56some of these principles are things that
20:58you would refer to in terms of the
21:02grounding or the foundations of your
21:03education at UCI within our school and
21:06these are really uh talked about in
21:09detail in Michaelson's first chapter
21:10which is also in the readings folder so
21:12we're going to start with some major
21:15assumptions and features of ecological
21:18research um the units of analysis are
21:22systems in themselves so the ecosystem
21:24at the broadest level is very macro and
21:27in some cases you can take a global view
21:30of the Earth's the Earth as a broad
21:32ecosystem a biome is also a big chunk of
21:37geography and it basically refers to
21:39where plant and animal species coexist
21:42and are reaching some kind of
21:43equilibrium with each other so that they
21:45can survive in that particular area a
21:48habitat within a biome is a particular
21:51Niche an ecological niche where a given
21:54species of plant or animal lives so a
21:57habitat refers ref to a particular
21:59residence residential address within the
22:02biome of a particular species we can
22:04also talk at a more micro
22:08level about Behavior settings so this
22:10class this lecture hall is a behavior
22:12setting and it's a behavior setting
22:15because it's predictable in terms of
22:17when it occurs what goes on here the
22:20behavioral program has a kind of
22:22regularity to it and then we're also in
22:25the midst of this physical millu this
22:27room that has its own characteristics
22:30from ceiling height lighting whether
22:32there's music on or not so Behavior
22:34settings are also a system all of you
22:36are kind of interacting with each other
22:38and with the environment here kind of in
22:40a ongoing way as a system so all units
22:43of ecological analysis have that systems
22:46quality people try to adapt to their
22:48environments even in biology there's the
22:50idea of the Web of Life the struggle for
22:53existence natural selection survival of
22:55the fittest in geography and economics
22:57there's the idea that um there's the
23:00highest and best use of land where
23:02certain companies because of their
23:03creativity their economic prowess are
23:05able to lay claim to the best Geographic
23:08areas within a city and own those
23:10parcels and use them however they
23:12want and then there's the idea of
23:15homeostasis or equilibrium that people
23:18and environments try to people try to
23:20achieve a kind of equilibrium with their
23:22surroundings and when that doesn't
23:24happen you go into disequilibrium that's
23:26when stress occurs when there's that
23:27lack of fit between yourself and what
23:30you need in your environment and there
23:32are also in addition to these conceptual
23:34ideas there are methods and metrics that
23:37social ecologists tend to use or
23:40ecologists of any stripe for that matter
23:42generally there's an emphasis on
23:43Aggregates or populations and the macro
23:46level of analysis and that's
23:48particularly for the areas of human
23:50ecology that Michaelson talks about not
23:52so much for social ecology as it's
23:54evolved here at UCI which is much more
23:57inclusive of psychology and micro
24:00environments as well as macro but
24:02ecology started from a very macro view
24:05of environments from the biologists that
24:07went out and looked at biomes uh to the
24:09sociologists in the city of Chicago in
24:11the 1920s that were applying these
24:13biological areas to human communities
24:16with the idea that those in the city
24:19that were best adapted to the city were
24:22the fittest and they would prosper in
24:24the city and those that were not well
24:26adapted would be stressed they'd get
24:28sick they exhibit all kinds of
24:29behavioral
24:30disorders and that's the way the world
24:33was supposed to be because in biology
24:35you don't have worries about
24:37environmental justice or worries about
24:40racism or anything like that it's simply
24:42a struggle for existence and survival of
24:45fittest so that's one of the concerns
24:48actually about The Chicago School it
24:50left out a lot of those concerns about
24:52regulation law ethics and viewed the
24:55human ecosystem as basically a big biome
24:57with people in it so these are some of
24:59the methodological approaches very macro
25:02in in uh the areas that were studied uh
25:06unobtrusive observation of species in
25:09their natural habitat over extended
25:11periods so you do naturalistic
25:13observation you go out into real world
25:15settings and You observe what's
25:17happening rather than bringing all that
25:18into a contrived laboratory situation
25:21and then many ecologist combine both
25:23objective and subjective data in terms
25:26of how people are perceiving their
25:27environment as well as as how they're
25:28actually reacting to it so when
25:31Michaelson talks about U mental and
25:34experiential congruence what he's
25:36talking about is whether the environment
25:38actually fits the individual's needs and
25:40their lifestyle or whether the person
25:42perceives that it fits or doesn't fit so
25:44there's a big difference there and
25:46that's a very important kind of
25:47Distinction for Ecology as I mentioned a
25:50lot of these ideas started in the
25:51biological fields in terms of looking at
25:55these biomes combinations of plant and
25:57animal species and very much an emphasis
26:00on natural environments and not so much
26:03with people involved but rather looking
26:05at nonhuman species in in much of the
26:07early ecological uh biology research and
26:11we know that people create a lot of
26:13impacts on their natural environments
26:16and and some of these examples are from
26:18China Where the yangi River has been
26:20damned uh for a variety of reasons one
26:23to create hydroelectric power another to
26:25control flooding another to provide more
26:29regular and predictable shipping lanes
26:31but at the same time that damning of the
26:33Yi River has led to certain kind of
26:36negative unintended consequence any
26:38anybody familiar with what some of those
26:40have been the the river dolphin is
26:42extinct okay so certain species are
26:44becoming extinct because of the damning
26:46of the river um mudslides have occurred
26:50which have impacted settlements near the
26:52river more than a million people have
26:54had to be relocated into basically new
26:57high-rise towns higher up because as the
26:59River Bank uh becomes damned people have
27:02to move upwards so there have been a
27:04number of consequences to how this
27:06intervention uh for a lot of positive
27:09purposes you know to generate energy and
27:12to control flooding has led to certain
27:15negative consequences and this is a a
27:17coal barge on the Y SE River there's a
27:19lot of emphasis on uh Coal Energy and we
27:21have our own concerns here in the US uh
27:24with pollution and uh non- green uh
27:28consumption of power so this is not to
27:31point the finger at any other country
27:32we've got a lot to fix here in the US as
27:34well but the global warming leading to
27:36The Melting of the glaciers so human
27:39ecology starts to look more and more at
27:40the human impact on these natural
27:43systems these natural environments and I
27:46mentioned the first time showed this
27:48slide that there has been a progression
27:50in terms of different areas of ecology
27:52from bioecology to human ecology The
27:55Chicago School and some of the other
27:57schools at Michaels talks about to
27:59social ecology which is really the
28:01broadest in terms of including social
28:04psychological institutional cultural uh
28:07influences on people environment
28:09relations uh bioecology was pretty much
28:12all about biological adaptation
28:14processes the human ecology schools uh
28:17the human The Chicago School in
28:19particular was very much about economic
28:21theory and why it was that some cities
28:24grew in dominance whereas other cities
28:27uh dwindled L and became more
28:29subordinate so Chicago during the time
28:31that the human ecologists were studying
28:34Chicago it was growing by leaps in
28:36bounds people were migrating in but
28:38there were a lot of other towns in the
28:39Midwest and in the South that were
28:40losing population because people were
28:42flowing to Chicago for the industrial
28:44jobs so the human ecology uh Chicago
28:48School were very much focused on
28:50economics and this is some of the data
28:53uh that they began to look at they had
28:55this concentric zone model of the city
28:59of Chicago and what they found is that
29:02as you go out from this the loop this
29:05which is where the elevated train forms
29:07a loop in the downtown Chicago and you
29:09go out toward the suburbs you get lower
29:11and lower rates of crime behavioral
29:14disorder and health problems so that was
29:19kind of a major starting point for human
29:21ecology uh as it was studied by The
29:24Chicago School folks and just to sort of
29:27expand on a variety of ecological
29:29approaches from biological to human
29:32ecology which was driven largely by
29:34sociologists and criminologists to
29:37social ecology as it began to be defined
29:39as something broader by Miller alahan in
29:431938 and some of these subsequent books
29:46that expanded on the idea of social
29:47ecology we also have the field of
29:50ecological psychology that we're going
29:51to talk about this week uh Behavior
29:53setting Theory and finally the program
29:55in and later the School of Social
29:57ecology at UC C which evolved as kind of
30:00a development that integrated those
30:03earlier Trends now Michaelson in his
30:06first chapter we're just going to talk
30:07about human ecology here we're not
30:09talking about social ecology and
30:12Michaelson identified four different
30:14varieties of human ecology with the
30:16Chicago school being the first one very
30:19economically dominated the Neo Orthodox
30:21school which argued that The Chicago
30:24School wasn't biological enough it was
30:26too economic but it had left out uh
30:29darwinian Notions of natural selection
30:31and survival of the fittest so the Neo
30:33Orthodox ecologists tried to put even
30:35more emphasis on biological Concepts
30:39social area analysis was an area of
30:41human ecology where sociologists began
30:43to correlate for census tracks areas of
30:46a city the relationships between
30:48demographic factors like socioeconomic
30:51status education and health problems and
30:53behavioral problems so this school put a
30:55lot more emphasis on those demographic
30:58social drivers or correlates of disease
31:01and health problems uh and then the
31:03sociocultural school is a very
31:06interesting variant of human ecology
31:08which argued that these other schools
31:11had
31:12ignored symbolic Place meanings that
31:15people get psychologically attached to
31:17places and often they'll defend a
31:20historic
31:21neighborhood even though it's against
31:23their economic interest even though
31:25developers are offering to bring in jobs
31:27and highrises and build up their
31:28neighborhood people will resist that
31:30because they feel that that's going to
31:31change the quality and the nature of
31:33their neighborhood so the two schools
31:36that I'm going to focus on most today
31:39and in the course are really The Chicago
31:41School which was the beginning and then
31:43this uh sociocultural school because it
31:46ties in a lot with some of the things
31:48we're talking about in this course this
31:50is the concentric zone model uh that The
31:53Chicago School ecologists came up with
31:56they called this Zone close to the city
31:58center The Zone in transition and then
32:01the zone of workingmen's homes and the
32:02residential Zone and then the commuter
32:04Zone where more the affluent suburbs
32:06were and this concentric zone model sort
32:09of drove everything they they did how
32:11they organized their research and what
32:13they look for so when they were
32:14interested in knowing you know what's
32:16the effects of living in the center of
32:19the city on your likelihood of getting
32:21sick or having a behavioral disorder uh
32:24they took this kind of zonal approach
32:27and some examp examples of that are here
32:28their analyses of schizophrenia rates
32:31mental illness in Chicago between 1922
32:34and
32:351931 per 100,000 adult population and
32:38you could see the darker the areas here
32:40near the center of the city uh the
32:42greater the prevalence of schizophrenia
32:45so that was one example of what they
32:48they analyzed another example was uh
32:51delinquency rates in Chicago during
32:53these years where again they found this
32:55decreasing rate of delinquency as you
32:57went outside the uh the loop the center
33:01of the city and this Zone around it and
33:03one of the reasons that they felt that
33:05uh these negative effects were happening
33:07is because many of the migrants into
33:09Chicago at the time were coming in from
33:12rural areas where they had very little
33:16capacity coping capacity to deal with
33:18the stressors of urban life so they were
33:19used to an agrarian lifestyle and
33:22they're coming into a city where they're
33:23being expected to take industrial jobs
33:26work on assembly lines and get used to a
33:28whole Urban infrastructure that they
33:30weren't used to and so those folks were
33:33more vulnerable than others in the city
33:36that had managed to work their way out
33:38to the suburbs and had pulled themselves
33:40up you know some years after they
33:41migrated but when you first come into a
33:43city as an immigrant you're much more
33:45vulnerable so they reason that those
33:48individuals coming into the city uh that
33:51had limited economic resources wound up
33:53living in dilapidated apartments that
33:56weren't very good quality uh they were
33:58under a lot of stress from relocation
34:00having to get used to a new type of
34:02economy so that's why they explained uh
34:06you had more of that disorder in the
34:07center of the city because that's that
34:09was a magnet for people coming in that
34:10needed low rents they needed to be close
34:13to the center of the city but they were
34:15the least able to kind of make their way
34:18into more affluent parts of Chicago so
34:21these assumptions here are really
34:23Central to what the Chicago school was
34:25arguing first that behavior is defined
34:28as normal when it's consistent with the
34:30Norms associated with a person's roles
34:33in society so if you're used to being a
34:34farmer or you're used to being in a
34:36small town where everybody knows each
34:38other and then you come into a big city
34:40and you try to talk to people like you
34:42were in a small city they're going to
34:44think you're odd or weird because you're
34:46you haven't adapted to the sort of
34:48impersonality of the big city so people
34:50are under stress because they're they're
34:52sort of having a hard time sort of
34:53adjusting to that new environment the
34:56stress is reflected in failure to be
34:58able to reach
35:00equilibrium and when cities change their
35:03economic base such as Chicago becoming
35:06rapidly industrialized what that does is
35:08it brings in a huge amount of migrants
35:12migration
35:13and because people are coming in there's
35:16crowding they're they're not so well
35:17suited and coped coping with that
35:19transition very well uh they're more
35:22vulnerable to stress so the highest
35:24rates of health and behavioral disorders
35:26are found in that zone in trans
35:27transition near the center of the city
35:30and the rates increase as you go out
35:31further away from the city so those were
35:33the the major assumptions of The Chicago
35:35School human ecology
35:38Paradigm now we know that that
35:41particular model uh doesn't work very
35:44well for many cities so if you look at
35:46how Los Angeles is organized there is
35:48not one Central Downtown in Los Angeles
35:52rather you have a multi- noal city with
35:54a number of different downtown areas in
35:56Los Angeles so that's just one
35:58limitation of The Chicago School uh
36:00model the assumptions of The Chicago
36:03School of human ecology uh partly to
36:06make the point that there are number of
36:09limitations in their deterministic way
36:12of viewing people's relationships with
36:14their environments so what I'm going to
36:16do in the next few slides is unpack you
36:19know how that particular Paradigm or
36:22world view was limited and uh led to
36:25some uh conclusions that weren't
36:28necessarily warranted so let's talk a
36:30little bit about what Michaelson viewed
36:32as limitations of The Chicago School
36:35first of all he felt that the way they
36:37viewed the environment was very
36:38incomplete they focused on census tracks
36:41and these zones of the city but they
36:44didn't really look very much at what was
36:45in those zones in terms of the quality
36:47of the architecture people's attachment
36:49to those places and spaces you know
36:51there's some ethnic neighborhoods that
36:53aren't very affluent that people get
36:54very attached to and very satisfied with
36:57in fact if you try to move them out of
36:59those neighborhoods into a so-called
37:01nicer environment they don't like that
37:03they they get stressed so they viewed
37:05the environment in incomplete terms very
37:07much focusing on economics and geography
37:11rather than other features of the
37:12environment they tended to take a an
37:15aggregate level of analysis they didn't
37:17really want to know very much about
37:18people's perceptions for example they
37:20wouldn't have thought to interview
37:22residents of of Chicago as they moved
37:24into the city about their stress levels
37:26like Sheldon Cohen did in the Carnegie
37:28melon study of colds so they uh were not
37:32at all willing to look at psychological
37:36and subjective factors it was only the
37:38objective physical environment they were
37:39interested in they had these rigid
37:42disciplinary boundaries uh in fact I
37:44took a course with Amos Holly who was a
37:46proponent of the Neo Orthodox school
37:48when I was in graduate school and his
37:50view was that attitudes and sentiments
37:52and psychological Notions were
37:54completely outside the bounds of human
37:56ecology was an aggregate population
37:58level field and that's the way it was
38:00you didn't try to combine those levels
38:02also they were very much focused on
38:05theorizing about um this concentric zone
38:08theory of disease but they never got
38:10around to applying it in a way to try to
38:12reduce disease or reduce behavioral
38:14problems so these were the kinds of
38:16limitations that Michaelson zeroed in on
38:18in his chapter about the Chicago school
38:21and his view was that uh it's more
38:25important to look at whether people
38:28feel that they fit their environments
38:30whether the environment provides what
38:32they need so he talked about this as
38:34congruence whether their personality
38:36their social mores their physical
38:38environment were matched to what they
38:40needed so he was much more as a
38:42sociologist Michaelson was much more uh
38:45interested in those kind of subjective
38:47factors and in fact Michaelson taught
38:49here for two years at UCI uh back in the
38:5280s he's now at the University of
38:54Toronto a good example of this
38:57limitation of The Chicago School is
38:59Walter F's sociocultural School of human
39:03ecology which emphasized symbolic and
39:06sentimental attachments that people have
39:08to places rather than just economic
39:10functions of space so what happened is
39:14that in this cozy quaint neighborhood of
39:17Boston where you have a lot of colonial
39:19style architecture and a lot of
39:20historical meanings you know from the
39:23colonial period on the residents there
39:26uh were offended when a developer came
39:29in and wanted to put in high-rise
39:30apartments and Retail shopping centers
39:33because they felt it would change the
39:35character of their neighborhood and
39:36character of your neighborhood is really
39:38a psychological subjective thing it's
39:40not the economic value of the
39:41neighborhood so much as how people feel
39:43about it he also gave the example of the
39:46Boston Common where you have this Prime
39:48parcel of real estate which has never
39:50been developed for financial reasons
39:52instead it's been preserved as a kind of
39:54open space uh with all of its col
39:57meanings and historical meanings and
39:59it's a very treasured part of the city
40:01of Boston so in Beacon Hill the
40:03residents actually militated against the
40:05developers they they organized The
40:08Beacon Hill uh Community Association and
40:10they fought the economic development and
40:12kept it out so fy's point is that often
40:15these psychological and cultural issues
40:19Trump economic interests they can be
40:21even more influential than people's
40:24Financial interests which was something
40:26that the Chicago school would not have
40:28envisioned because according to them
40:29economics drove what happened in a city
40:32and the North End of Boston uh which is
40:35an Italian Enclave is also a kind of
40:38environment where you'd look at it and
40:39you'd say well that's not a very fancy
40:41place the streets are narrow uh people
40:43live above their shops so you have a lot
40:46of mixed use lands land use there and
40:49yet if you tried to move those ethnic
40:52residents out of the North End of Boston
40:54into the suburbs of Boston they would
40:55hate it you give them a whole or uh you
40:58know single unattached dwelling they
41:01wouldn't like that they much prefer this
41:04kind of close proximity of interaction
41:07because their culture and their
41:09personalities are more tuned to that
41:11sort of close personal space and mixing
41:14activities as as part of their lifestyle
41:17so they are fitted they are very well
41:19fitted to that environment they have a
41:21high level of congruence whereas if you
41:23put them in a a suburb they would feel
41:25out of sorts and by the same token if
41:27you took you know aent suburbanites and
41:29you moved them into the North End they
41:31might not like that so much because
41:32they're used to something quite
41:33different so Michaelson point was that
41:36these subjective factors in terms of
41:37what people want whether they perceive
41:40their stressed or whether they perceive
41:41there's a fit between what they need
41:43from the environment or not those are
41:45what really matter in terms of
41:48understanding People's Health and their
41:49behavior so we call this a sociocultural
41:52school of human ecology which was uh
41:55begun by Walter fiery and when mik
41:58Michaelson talks about inter system
41:59congruence versus economic determinism
42:02he means that the economic system is
42:05only one part of the human ecosystem or
42:07the human City there's the cultural
42:10system there's the behavioral system
42:12there's the uh psychological system or
42:17personality that people carry with them
42:19and all of those have to be kind of
42:20fitted together or in harmony otherwise
42:23you get stress and disorder and this is
42:25what uh Beacon Hill might have looked
42:27like if the developers had come in and
42:29they had been permitted to uh build up
42:32Beacon Hill the way they wanted to you
42:34would have had this sort of atmosphere
42:36of highrises which you have in the West
42:38End of Boston that's what developed
42:40right adjacent to Beacon Hill but it was
42:42kept out of Beacon Hill so the residents
42:44were able to Forstall that and keep the
42:47kind of historical Colonial character of
42:49their neighborhood without the intrusion
42:51of those New Economic developments which
42:53would have brought a lot of jobs it
42:54would have brought a lot of income into
42:56the neighborhood but it would have
42:58damaged those meanings that people had
43:00about the neighborhood so just to
43:02summarize and this Builds on what
43:03Michaelson viewed as limitations of The
43:05Chicago School uh they really
43:07overemphasized economic and biological
43:09determinants of well-being and behavior
43:12and tended to ignore psychological and
43:14cultural influences as well as law and
43:16ethical concerns and they neglected
43:19symbolic Place meanings like how
43:20attached people feel to their places and
43:22how important those attachments are to
43:25them and those are sometimes more
43:27powerful than economic or financial
43:29interests and The Chicago School also
43:31failed to address what were termed
43:34externalized cost of economic production
43:37and that means when you have a factory
43:40that lays claim to a particular area and
43:42it's spewing smoke and the people living
43:44near that factory as was often the case
43:46in the central part of Chicago people
43:48living near the factory are getting sick
43:51nobody's accounting for those Public
43:52Health costs the the company's making a
43:55lot of money but the society is bearing
43:58the cost of all that illness because of
44:00the contamination and you could look
44:02today and say well this is sort of like
44:05what's happening in China with the
44:06production of Apple products because
44:08you've got some factories over there
44:10where people are working under very
44:11severe conditions and there's a lot of
44:14protests now that Apple's trying to
44:16Grapple with in terms of how do you uh
44:20internalize some of the cost of the
44:21workers how do you improve their working
44:23conditions so that they're not under so
44:24much strain even though the company
44:26itself is the most successful company in
44:28the world it's the most profitable
44:29company and shows no signs of letting up
44:32so what about these issues of
44:35externalized cost of production and
44:37issues of environmental Injustice when
44:40we say that The Chicago School ignored
44:43symbolic meanings of places these are
44:45just some examples of how influential
44:48Place meanings are in our everyday lives
44:51so you've got this Hindu temple or the
44:53Western Wall of the temple in Jerusalem
44:56uh with Jewish people praying at the
44:58Western Wall it's one of the most
45:00contested Parcels of real estate in the
45:02world because you have three major
45:04religions that have historical meanings
45:06associated with Jerusalem you've got the
45:09haaj pilgrimage to Mecca these
45:11Northwestern totems in Seattle all of
45:13these are showing the tremendous power
45:16and value that place meanings have for
45:19people it's not just the economic
45:22aspects of the environment it's what the
45:23environment conveys culturally and
45:25symbolically uh when you go to the
45:27Vietnam memorial there's a certain kind
45:29of behavior that people adopt there very
45:32reverent very quiet touching the stones
45:35uh it's not an environment like we had
45:36at the beginning of class where people
45:38are conversing and sort of you know
45:40getting to know each other laughing it's
45:42a very somber environment because of
45:43that symbolic normative power of that
45:47Memorial uh the Oval Office conveys
45:50power and authority just the way it's
45:52structured and all the symbols of power
45:54in that office here you've got an
45:56Australian soccer field where this no
45:59smoking emblem is being used as a
46:01message to people in the stands to try
46:03to discourage their smoking Behavior so
46:06they're using the the physical
46:07environment of that field to send out
46:10some symbolic messages to promote
46:12healthfulness we talked about this trash
46:15can that because it's imageable and it's
46:17decorated seems to serve as a magnet for
46:21trash it it it it uh attracts a lot more
46:24trash deposits than uh trash cans that
46:28haven't been decorated in similar
46:29locations walls that have bars on them
46:32windows with bars that is not just a
46:35physical feature to keep people out it's
46:37a symbolic cue that people are concerned
46:40about danger of crime
46:43victimization and sometimes those
46:46symbols can make the neighborhood even
46:47more dangerous because people tend to go
46:50around more worried they don't talk to
46:51each other they don't uh form
46:53friendships the decorated dorm room
46:55where each of you in your rooms you're
46:57putting things up on the wall to try to
47:00send some messages about what your
47:01interests are who you are as a person
47:03living in that space uh the decorated
47:06conference room uh where you have these
47:09symbols of who works there and what
47:11their achievements have been and even
47:12this cubical and you know we often view
47:15uh these cubical work environments as
47:17very sterile and difficult to work in
47:19but the employees do everything they can
47:21to try to personalize those to try to
47:23make them symbolically
47:25meaningful by you know know bringing in
47:27their own pictures their own balloons
47:29their birthday celebrations what have
47:30you so all of these are examples of how
47:33the physical environment is layered with
47:37psychological cultural meanings and
47:40those meanings sometimes have even more
47:42impact on us than the financial aspects
47:44or the material observable aspects now
47:48what is this notion of an externalized
47:50cost of production and we already said a
47:52little bit about what that means but
47:54this is a more uh sort of formal
47:56definition it's when the costs of
47:58production are not paid directly by the
48:00producer of a product so in that sense
48:02they're shifted away from the producer
48:04and externalized or born by members of
48:07society as a whole such as when people
48:09are getting sick living next to a
48:11contaminated
48:13Factory so these are the folks that bear
48:15the brunt of the public health cost
48:16caused by the byproducts of production
48:18contaminated air water and soil and
48:21there's actually been a fair amount of
48:23research in the last 20 years on
48:25environmental Injustice and trying to
48:27internalize and account for these costs
48:31of production so here's a uh southern
48:34town where the apartments are right next
48:37to uh a facility here that's spewing out
48:41this toxic smoke and the cost of that
48:44smoke on these residents is externalized
48:47in most cases they aren't being
48:48tabulated and factored into the
48:51company's cost they should be shifted
48:52back to the company because the company
48:54is causing these problems so that's what
48:56meant by externalized cost of reduction
48:58The Chicago School gave no attention to
49:01those issues in terms of the human
49:03ecology environmental justice refers to
49:05the fair treatment and meaningful
49:07involvement of all people regardless of
49:09race color national origin or income
49:13with respect to the development
49:14implementation and enforcement of
49:16environmental laws regulations and
49:18policies this uh book by Bullard and
49:21Johnson was one of the first this is
49:23actually an article in 2000 but his book
49:25dumping in Dixie
49:27uh which looked at the African-American
49:31neighborhoods and white neighborhoods in
49:32Atlanta and compared them in terms of
49:35how much
49:36contamination was being exposed was
49:39being foisted on the residents in those
49:41two different neighborhoods and he found
49:43that in the minority neighborhoods there
49:45was much greater exposure and experience
49:47of environmental stressors and toxins so
49:50this is his first book dumping in Dixie
49:52race class and Environmental Quality
49:54these are some of the states in which
49:56Bullard has done much of his research uh
49:58he's based at Clark Atlanta University
50:01in in Atlanta Georgia and these are some
50:04of the other books that he's written
50:05about environmental justice uh
50:07Transportation racism and uh highway
50:10robbery and how these developments of
50:12Highways impact minority members of the
50:16city much more dramatically and
50:18negatively than people who are better
50:20off now environmental racism is a
50:23particular type of environmental
50:24Injustice because it's focused on the
50:26issue abrac any environmental policy
50:28practice or directive that
50:30differentially affects or disadvantages
50:33whether intended or unintended
50:35individuals groups or communities based
50:36on race or color environmental racism is
50:40a form of environmental Injustice so you
50:42can have environmental Injustice around
50:44gender if if women were uh required to
50:48live in facilities that are uh not as
50:51healthful or you could have it based on
50:53religion or ethnicity not just race but
50:56in this case we're talking about
50:58environmental Injustice based on
51:01race and one of the things that
51:03bullard's research has led to
51:06is the infusion of his ideas about
51:09environmental racism into environmental
51:12regulations so we now have the
51:14Environmental Protection Agency that
51:16requires any development in an urban
51:18area to mitigate potential costs due to
51:21environmental racism so something that
51:24he started with many years ago and which
51:26to many people sounded like an
51:28exaggeration or hyperbole to talk about
51:30environmental racism it's now been
51:32accepted in the culture and into our
51:34regulations where the social justice
51:37movement has been combined with the
51:38Environmental Protection movement and we
51:40have much more um reflection of these
51:43ideas about environmental justice in our
51:46regulations now for Environmental
51:48Protection and this is a a demonstration
51:51going on uh to protest environmental
51:53racism you remember I showed you this uh
51:55particular example of the Los Angeles
51:57airport uh where we studied the effects
51:59of noise on children going to school
52:02Under the flight path and the earlier
52:05slide didn't have this by line but here
52:08we're we're sort of tabbing it as a a
52:11potential reflection or example of
52:13environmental Injustice so that's a
52:16factor that might help account for the
52:18uneven spatial distribution of airport
52:20noise and children's blood pressure in
52:21urban areas so you don't find this
52:24situation in most affluent areas of LA
52:26and in fact when the Orange County
52:28Supervisors wanted to build a new
52:31international airport at the old Marine
52:34Airbase where the five and the 405
52:36freeways come together this community
52:38because it was more affluent than South
52:40Central LA was able to block that
52:44development just like in Beacon Hill
52:46which was a more affluent neighborhood
52:47the the Community associ Association
52:49blocked the developments they didn't
52:50want so in this County uh the residents
52:54rose up and instead of a International
52:57Airport we have a great Park the Orange
52:59County Great Park uh but the fact that
53:03less affluent neighborhoods aren't able
53:04to block those undesirable land uses is
53:07a reflection of environmental Injustice
53:08so that's what Bullard is talking about
53:11and that's something else that The
53:12Chicago School human ecologists totally
53:15ignored this is another uh example of
53:18bullard's research where he went into
53:20Houston and he tabulated garbage
53:22incinerators and Municipal landfills and
53:25then found out where those are
53:27located and the vast majority of those
53:29undesirable land uses are located in
53:33these minority neighborhoods there's one
53:35here where you have a white neighborhood
53:38what you see here is this dis
53:40disproportionate exposure of minority
53:42residents to these undesirable land uses
53:45he also did research uh that showed that
53:48in the along the Mississippi River as it
53:50flows to New Orleans and into the Gulf
53:54uh they call this cancer alley because
53:56because as the pollutants build up in
53:58the Mississippi River as it flows South
54:00the people that live in these small
54:03largely minority uh towns are engaged in
54:06shipping and River related activities
54:09and they're exposed to a very high
54:12concentration of
54:14carcinogens and so the people living
54:16close to the river and working in those
54:18occupations have a much higher rates of
54:21cancer and other health problems because
54:23of their uh having to live in areas
54:26where can get jobs and yet they're
54:27they're contaminated so Bullard refers
54:29to this as another important aspect of
54:31environmental Injustice and finally just
54:34to return to an issue that we started
54:38with when we talked about disciplines
54:40and how you combine disciplinary facts
54:43to get broader multidisiplinary
54:45theories what bullard's research did is
54:48it showed you know we knew that exposure
54:50to physical carcinogens like air and
54:53water pollution can Elevate cancer rates
54:55we know that from public health but what
54:58his research did is he put this in
55:00broader social context he added a social
55:02fact along with the physical
55:03environmental and biomedical fact so
55:06that knowing about environmental racism
55:08rather whether it exists in a community
55:10or Society or not uh can help explain
55:14and Target locate where these processes
55:18are happening you know and much more
55:20efficiently and reliably so by adding
55:22environmental racism you get a broader
55:24understanding of that whole phenomen
55:27so in that sense it was a kind of
55:29interdisciplinary expansion of public
55:32health research by including this
55:34concept of environmental racism

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