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(1890) La Increíble Llegada de los Italianos Que Transformaron Guayaquil Para Siempre — Transcript

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0:00Guayaquil, October 5, 1896. Around 11
0:07p.m., a fire breaks out in the city
0:09center. By the time it is extinguished
0:154 days later, it will have destroyed
0:17about half of Guayaquil and left more
0:19than a third of its inhabitants
0:20homeless. What burned that night was no
0:26ordinary port. Guayaquil was at that
0:31time the wealthiest city in Ecuador and
0:33one of the most important in the South
0:35American Pacific. In that same decade,
0:41the country had become the world's
0:43largest cocoa exporter. Export-destined
0:49production had grown from 15,000 tons
0:52in 1880 to an average of 40,000 tons in
0:57the 90s. Through the burning port
1:03flowed the "golden bean" that fueled
1:05much of the planet's chocolate and
1:07brought in the money that sustained the
1:09Ecuadorian state budget. Among the
1:16ashes of that city was a foreign
1:18community that almost no one remembers
1:20today, and which at that time was the
1:22most numerous of all. They were the
1:26Italians; there were not thousands of
1:28them. Before the First World War, there
1:32were 650 Italians in all of Ecuador,
1:35500 of whom lived in Guayaquil—500
1:38people in an entire city. And yet, that
1:45tiny colony ended up selling the
1:47materials used to rebuild the city,
1:49installing its first steam engines,
1:51founding one of its first financial
1:53companies, and designing several of the
1:55buildings that any Guayaquil resident
1:57recognizes today without knowing who
1:59built them. Before we continue, don't
2:05forget to subscribe to the channel and
2:07tell us in the comments which city you
2:09are watching from. Thank you very much
2:12for your support. Now, let's continue
2:15with the story. This is the story of
2:19how a group of Ligurians who had
2:21arrived to sell merchandise ended up
2:23rebuilding a city that had burned down.
2:28Before we move on, some questions that
2:30this story answers. What foreign war
2:35that they hadn't fought in pushed
2:36dozens of Italians to the port of
2:38Guayaquil? How many people exactly
2:44started the oldest Italian institution
2:46in the city that still exists? What was
2:50said about the origin of that night's
2:52fire? And what did President Eloy
2:55Alfaro order as soon as the flames were
2:57extinguished? Which Italian surnames
3:01appeared on the reconstruction invoices
3:03and reached unprecedented business
3:05levels? And which of the buildings that
3:09are today part of Guayaquil's heritage
3:11were designed by architects who came
3:13from Italy? To understand all of that,
3:18we must go back 40 years before the
3:20fire, when the first Italians began to
3:22step off the ships. The first Italians
3:26bound for Ecuador set sail from the
3:28port of Genoa during the 19th century.
3:32They were neither nobles nor investors.
3:37Many of them were sailors and
3:39inhabitants of rural regions who
3:40ventured to emigrate to South American
3:43lands at a time when Italy was
3:44undergoing economic and social
3:46instability. The route was not direct.
3:53They first set sail for Chilean ports,
3:55and later, the migratory waves
3:57gradually extended toward ports further
3:59north. First Peru and then Ecuador.
4:04Guayaquil was no one's dream
4:06destination; it was the place where
4:08some ended up staying. Genealogical
4:12studies allow us to date that presence
4:14with quite a bit of precision. As early
4:18as 1855, there were around 100 Italians
4:24in the port of Guayaquil, 100 people,
4:2640 years before the fire. And there is
4:30a key piece of data about their origin
4:32that explains much of this history.
4:36Almost two-thirds of those immigrants
4:38were originally from Liguria, the
4:40coastal region in northwestern Italy,
4:42whose capital is Genoa. That is no
4:47coincidence. Liguria was a land of
4:50seafarers and maritime merchants with
4:52centuries of tradition. Genoa had been
4:57a mercantile republic that dominated
4:59the Mediterranean. Anyone born there
5:03grew up understanding ships, freight,
5:06consignments, and commercial credit. In
5:10other words, they arrived at a port
5:13knowing exactly how a port functions.
5:16That is why they dedicated themselves
5:18mainly to trade between Ecuador and
5:20Europe. They did not buy cocoa
5:22plantations, nor did they move to the
5:24highlands. They stayed in the city by
5:28the water doing what they knew how to
5:30do: import, export, consign, and sell.
5:35One detail reveals how discreet that
5:38migration was. Of 271 consular records
5:42containing the year of departure for
5:45Ecuador, 113 correspond to people who
5:48traveled before 1890, but the formal
5:54registration at the consulate was done
5:56several years after settling. In other
6:02words, they arrived, settled in,
6:04started working, and only much later
6:06did they register with their own
6:08country's authorities. The relationship
6:15with Italian institutions remained
6:17low-profile for decades. These men were
6:21not sent by any government, nor did
6:23they respond to any state-led
6:25colonization plan. They came on their
6:28own. And in the 1880s, a war that was
6:35not theirs pushed a new group to the
6:37docks of Guayaquil. Between 1879 and
6:431883, Chile and Peru waged the War of
6:49the Pacific, one of the most
6:51destructive conflicts in South American
6:53history. The Italians had nothing to do
7:01with that war, but there were Italian
7:03communities established in Peruvian
7:05ports, especially in Callao and Lima,
7:07dedicated to the same type of maritime
7:09trade their countrymen practiced
7:11further north. When the war reached
7:17those ports with naval blockades,
7:19bombings, and occupation, those
7:21families were trapped in the middle of
7:23a conflict that was not theirs. Part of
7:27them did the only reasonable thing:
7:29move up the coast. The records state it
7:33explicitly. A portion of the Italian
7:37immigrants arrived at the port of
7:39Guayaquil from Peru, fleeing the
7:41Peruvian-Chilean war. That detail
7:45changes the community's profile, and it
7:47is worth understanding why. Those who
7:52arrived from Peru were not peasants
7:54just off a transatlantic ship. They
7:59were already established merchants with
8:01South American experience, supplier
8:03networks, knowledge of Spanish, and, in
8:06many cases, capital. Guayaquil suddenly
8:11received people who already knew how to
8:13operate in the region, and they arrived
8:15at the exact right moment. Precisely in
8:18those years, Ecuador was entering its
8:21second cacao boom, the economic cycle
8:23that would last from 1880 to 1920,
8:29which would turn the country into the
8:31world's largest exporter of cacao—a
8:33booming port with a product in high
8:36international demand. And a group of
8:41experienced maritime merchants who had
8:43just settled there. That combination
8:47explains what came next. By the end of
8:53the 19th century, the Italians already
8:55formed the largest foreign colony in
8:57Guayaquil, more than the Germans, the
9:00English, the French, or the Spanish. In
9:06a Pacific port city, in the middle of
9:08the world, the dominant foreign
9:10community spoke Genoese. They
9:15specialized in trade, the service
9:17sector, and the emerging local industry
9:19. Firms began to appear dedicated to
9:25the production and marketing of
9:27chocolate, cookies, pasta, sweets,
9:29soaps, ceramics, and tiles. In other
9:35words, they didn't just keep importing;
9:37they started manufacturing, and when
9:39there were enough of them, they did
9:41what every immigrant community that
9:43knows it is permanent does. They
9:46organized. On June 24, 1882, the
9:51Società di Beneficenza per gli
9:54Italiani Garibaldi was founded in
9:56Guayaquil. It was born with no more
9:59than 100 Italians. The first board of
10:03directors was led by Nicoló Norero as
10:05president and Agostino Parodi as vice
10:07president. Two Ligurian surnames in an
10:11Ecuadorian port. In 1882, the statutes
10:18defined three purposes, and the third
10:20one is what makes this institution
10:22interesting. The first was to cement
10:26the union among the members of the
10:28colony. The second was to alleviate the
10:32misfortune and poverty of their
10:34countrymen—that is, to support
10:35Italians who fell into poverty, became
10:38ill, or were widowed. The third was
10:42solidarity with the needs of
10:44Guayaquil's society. That point was not
10:47just rhetoric. It meant that a mutual
10:52aid society founded by foreigners
10:53formally committed itself to also
10:55helping the city that had welcomed them
10:57. Fourteen years later, that clause
11:02would be put to the test in the worst
11:05way possible. It is important to
11:09understand what a benevolent society
11:11was in the 19th century because there
11:13was nothing like a welfare state. There
11:18was no social security, no health
11:20insurance, no pensions, and no
11:22compensation. An immigrant who became
11:27seriously ill far from their family
11:29simply sank. These societies filled
11:35that void, collecting monthly dues from
11:38members to pay for doctors, medicine,
11:40burials, and aid for widows and orphans
11:42. They were, in practice, the social
11:47security for those who had none. The
11:50name chosen also says something.
11:53Giuseppe Garibaldi was the most popular
11:56figure of Italian unification, a
11:58republican hero who had also lived for
12:00years in South America and fought in
12:02the Río de la Plata. Giving his name
12:07to the society was a declaration of
12:09identity. These men felt like Italians
12:13of the new Italy, not subjects of any
12:16old kingdom. The institution still
12:19exists today in Guayaquil. In fact, it
12:23was the Italian Garibaldi society
12:25itself that in 1993 published the book
12:31by researcher Jenny Estrada about the
12:33Italians of Guayaquil. And much of what
12:38is known today about this community
12:40comes from there and from genealogical
12:42studies that reconstructed their
12:44presence in the port between 1628 and
12:511902. While the colony was organizing,
12:56the city around it was becoming
12:57enormously wealthy. To understand what
13:01burned in 1896, one must understand
13:07what Guayaquil was at that time.
13:11Between 1880 and 1920, Ecuador
13:13experienced its second cocoa boom, and
13:17in the 1890s it reached its peak. It
13:24became the largest cocoa exporter in
13:26the world. The growth figures are clear
13:31. Exports went from 372,431 quintals in
13:391880 to 578,626 quintals in 1899. In
13:501895, there were already more than 58.6
13:57million cocoa trees in the country. A
14:00decade later, there would be 80 million
14:02. Ecuadorian cocoa also had an
14:07advantage that no competitor could copy
14:09: its quality and floral aroma, unique
14:12to the native variety now known as "
14:14aroma nacional" or "sabor arriba." This
14:21allowed it to be priced higher than
14:23cocoa from other producing regions.
14:26They gave it a nickname that says it
14:28all: the "golden bean." All that
14:32product left through a single place,
14:34and that place was Guayaquil. The
14:37consequences for the city were enormous
14:39. Associated with the golden bean boom
14:44is the rise of Ecuadorian banking, the
14:47emergence of an industrial platform,
14:49and the development of Guayaquil as a
14:51city with a commercial soul. Guayaquil
14:57banks lent money to producers and
14:59exporters, and that flow of foreign
15:01currency forged large commercial houses
15:03in the port. Imports of foreign
15:08products increased, and sugar mills,
15:10noodle factories, and chocolate
15:12factories appeared. The Ecuadorian
15:18state's revenue was nourished directly
15:20by the foreign currency generated by
15:22cocoa exports and the payment of taxes
15:24on imports. In other words, the entire
15:30country depended on what passed through
15:32that port. And there lies the detail
15:37that makes everything that follows so
15:38terrible. That extremely wealthy city,
15:45with trading houses, overflowing
15:47warehouses, export offices, and
15:49mansions of the new cocoa elite, was
15:51built almost entirely of wood.
15:59Guayaquil’s architecture maintained
16:01the colonial tradition of wooden
16:03construction: houses with facades
16:05featuring front galleries and arches
16:07opening onto a central courtyard, all
16:09made of planks. A wooden city in a hot
16:15climate, with warehouses full of
16:17flammable merchandise and no modern
16:19fire department. All it needed was a
16:23single spark. The fire began at
16:27approximately 11:00 PM on October 5,
16:301896, and it raged until the afternoon
16:36of October 8—burning for 4 days. It
16:40destroyed approximately half the city,
16:42from the government district to the
16:44beginning of the Las Peñas
16:45neighborhood. More than a third of the
16:49population was left homeless. Regarding
16:52its origin, there was talk of sabotage.
16:58Accounts from the time pointed to arson
17:00against the government building,
17:01started in the block across the street,
17:04where a lingerie store operated. It was
17:10never established with certainty what
17:12really happened that night. What was
17:15recorded, however, is the scale of the
17:17loss. And it wasn't just material. In
17:22the Guayaquil homes of yesteryear, it
17:24was customary to have large oil
17:26paintings of noblemen from previous
17:28centuries, wearing wigs, embroidered
17:30jackets, dress swords, and mayoral
17:33staves. All those paintings were lost
17:37in the great fire, and today none
17:39remain. Along with its houses, the city
17:43lost a good part of its visual memory.
17:46The political response was immediate.
17:53General Eloy Alfaro, then leading the
17:55country after the previous year’s
17:57Liberal Revolution, ordered the
17:59Treasury to provide 2,000 pesos monthly
18:01to the Guayaquil Fire Department for 4
18:04years, so they could acquire modern
18:06equipment and ensure such a fire would
18:08never happen again. And there is a
18:16detail that shows just how much the
18:18city refused to stop. On Friday,
18:25October 9—that is, just one day after
18:28the fire was extinguished—the
18:30National Constituent Assembly was
18:32installed in the Government building
18:34with 54 deputies present. The country
18:41set out to draft a constitution in a
18:43building surrounded by smoldering
18:45rubble. A month later, carpenters had
18:49already made progress in the
18:51reconstruction work. And this is where
18:56this story changes hands, because
18:58rebuilding half a city isn't just done
19:01by carpenters; you need nails, hinges,
19:04locks, tools, zinc sheets, glass, and
19:06paint. Pipes. In a word, you need
19:13hardware, and in quantities that no
19:15city has in stock. All of that had to
19:20be imported, and it had to be imported
19:22quickly. Guayaquil was in absolute
19:25urgent need of people who knew how to
19:27bring goods from Europe in large
19:29volumes and in a short time. Those
19:33people were already there. They had
19:35been there for 40 years. After the
19:40great fire, many Italian merchants in
19:42the hardware sector increased their
19:44import volumes to meet the demand
19:46generated by the city's reconstruction,
19:48reaching very high business levels. The
19:54names were recorded, featuring firms
19:56like Viñolo Brothers, Rogero and
19:58Company, and Calci, among others. It is
20:03worth pausing to consider what it meant
20:05to operate like that in 1896. There was
20:10no international telephone or telex.
20:14Orders traveled by letter or by
20:16telegraphic cable with very high rates
20:18per word. An order sent to Europe took
20:24weeks to arrive, and the merchandise
20:26took just as long to cross the Atlantic
20:29and skirt the continent, because the
20:31Panama Canal did not yet exist. Placing
20:39large volumes of European hardware in
20:41an Ecuadorian port in a matter of
20:43months required three things that
20:45almost no one had: known suppliers in
20:47Europe, sufficient commercial credit to
20:49buy before selling, and ships. The
20:55Ligurians in Guayaquil had all three.
20:59They were exactly the type of merchant
21:00who had been doing that for generations
21:02in the Mediterranean. And they also had
21:05something that no competitor could
21:07improvise. Relatives and countrymen on
21:13the other side of the ocean, willing to
21:15ship merchandise on credit just for
21:17sharing a surname and province of
21:19origin, so that the community that had
21:21arrived to sell dry goods and consign
21:23cocoa found itself, overnight, at the
21:25center of the greatest urban
21:27reconstruction operation in Ecuador's
21:29history. That moment explains the
21:36colony's economic leap. Until the fire,
21:39the Italians were prosperous merchants.
21:44After the fire, some became wealthy,
21:46and as the process of capital
21:48accumulation deepened in Guayaquil and
21:50its region, the Italians were able to
21:52diversify and venture into other
21:54economic activities. One must also
22:00state the uncomfortable, because it is
22:02part of the story. Making money from a
22:06city's misfortune has an inelegant name
22:08, but it is worth looking at the other
22:10side. Without those who could bring the
22:14materials, the reconstruction simply
22:16would not have happened at that speed.
22:20A month after the fire, the carpenters
22:22were already working. Someone had
22:25gotten them the nails. And there was a
22:30second fire in June 1902, barely 6
22:32years later, which again destroyed a
22:34good part of what had been built. The
22:39city had to do it all over again with
22:41the same suppliers and the same
22:43underlying problem. It remained a city
22:46of wood. Meanwhile, a different group
22:50of Italians was doing something that
22:52went beyond trade. They were setting up
22:56machines. Along with the already
22:59established firms, new contingents of
23:02Italians arrived, described in the
23:03chronicles of the time as
23:05entrepreneurial and enthusiastic. Those
23:09newcomers did not settle in the
23:11commercial center. They went south, to
23:15a neighborhood called the shipyard, and
23:17turned it into an emporium of
23:18industrial development. There they
23:23installed the city's first steam
23:25engines for the manufacture of food,
23:27liquors, and carbonated beverages. And
23:32there they built the first sawmills and
23:34the first shipbuilding workshops. The
23:39shipyard came to be known simply as the
23:41industrial neighborhood. It is worth
23:47considering what a steam engine meant
23:49in that context. Until then, everything
23:53produced in Guayaquil was made by hand
23:56or with animal power. A steam engine
24:00multiplies production, allows for mass
24:02manufacturing, and makes selling
24:04cheaply profitable. It is the step from
24:08a workshop to a factory. The Italian
24:11sectors were already defined from
24:13before. Chocolate, cookies, noodles,
24:17sweets, soaps, ceramics, and tiles.
24:22With steam, all of that went from being
24:24a craft to being an industry. There is
24:28a very clear logic behind that list.
24:31They are products that a country
24:33exporting raw materials normally
24:34imports. Processed chocolate, pasta,
24:39cookies, soap. Guayaquil exported cocoa
24:44beans and bought chocolate made in
24:45Europe. The Italians understood the
24:49obvious business: manufacturing here
24:51what was consumed here and which until
24:54then came from abroad. The sawmills
24:58made just as much sense. A wooden city
25:02that had just burned down and would
25:04burn again in 1902 needed boards in
25:11industrial quantities, and the
25:13shipbuilding workshops served a port
25:15that handled all of the country's
25:16foreign trade. In other words, every
25:21industry they set up responded to a
25:23concrete need. of the place where they
25:27were. That is the trait that
25:30distinguishes this migration from
25:31others. The Italians of Guayaquil did
25:34not bring an industry from Italy, nor
25:37did they replicate a European model.
25:40They looked around, saw what was
25:42missing, and manufactured it. By the
25:46first decades of the 20th century,
25:48Guayaquil already exceeded 100,000
25:50inhabitants, and that growth was due to
25:52cocoa and everything that cocoa brought
25:54with it. The Italian colony had then
25:59been in the city for half a century,
26:01had survived two fires, and controlled
26:03a relevant part of commerce and the
26:05nascent industry. The next step was
26:09inevitable. When a community of
26:13merchants accumulates capital for
26:15decades, it ends up doing the same
26:16thing everywhere in the world. It
26:20enters the money business. In 1919, on
26:26the initiative of industrialist Betino
26:28Berrini and supported by dynamic
26:30members of the Italian colony, the
26:32society La Previsora was formed. There
26:36is a discrepancy among sources
26:38regarding the exact date. Some place
26:41its creation in 1919. and others in
26:461921, describing it as the first
26:50financial company in Ecuador. What none
26:54of them dispute is who founded it or
26:55where that capital came from. La
27:00Previsora eventually became one of the
27:02best-known financial institutions in
27:04the country. That leap follows a logic
27:09that is repeated throughout Latin
27:10America. The merchant who imports needs
27:15credit, and the one with a warehouse
27:16needs to finance their clients. Over
27:21the years, the lending business ends up
27:23being more profitable than selling, and
27:25those who handled merchandise start
27:27handling money. But the most ambitious
27:32move came from Italy and not from
27:33Guayaquil. In the 1920s, a company was
27:39formed in Genoa, specifically intended
27:42to make investments in Ecuador. That
27:47company primarily established a bank
27:50and created two construction firms. And
27:53here is the key point. Those companies
27:57brought technicians, architects,
27:59engineers, topographers, surveyors, and
28:01experts in reinforced concrete
28:03construction to Ecuador. Reinforced
28:08concrete was the technology at that
28:10time that changed everything. We must
28:13remember why that mattered so much in
28:15this specific city. Guayaquil had
28:17burned down in 1896 and had burned
28:22again in 1902. Its buildings were made
28:26of wood. Each fire wiped out decades of
28:30work. A city that burns every few years
28:34cannot accumulate wealth. Reinforced
28:38concrete offered the definitive
28:40solution: fireproof construction. The
28:44Guayaquil Charity Board was the first
28:46to take the step. It decided to build
28:51the first reinforced concrete hospital
28:53in the country, precisely to avoid the
28:55havoc caused by fires in wooden
28:57buildings. The initial project of what
29:04was called the General Hospital palace,
29:07today known as the Luis Vernaza
29:09Hospital, was signed by Giovanni
29:11Liñarolo, a member of the Italian
29:13construction company IDEM, whose full
29:15name was Italiana di Edificazioni in
29:18Milan. Construction of the new building
29:24began in February 1922. A year later,
29:29that project would be modified by
29:31another new arrival from Italy who
29:33would end up leaving his mark on the
29:35entire city. In 1923, the Italian
29:40architect Francesco Maccaferri, winner
29:43of the design competition for the new
29:46municipal palace, arrived in Guayaquil
29:48to join the construction team.
29:53Maccaferri modified the hospital
29:55project, added a floor, and redesigned
29:57the facade. And the division of tasks
30:03by the Italian Construction Company
30:05shows to what extent this was a
30:06collective work of a single colony.
30:12Architectural direction was placed in
30:14the hands of Paolo Ruso. Artistic
30:17assistance was provided by Maccaferri
30:20himself. Technical direction was by
30:25Luigi Frata, and the classic ornamental
30:28elements were commissioned to the
30:30Italian sculptor Emilio Sorolenti; four
30:32Italians, four roles, one building.
30:39That same group participated in the
30:41reconstruction of public buildings that
30:43had been lost, including the main
30:45administrative buildings of Guayaquil,
30:47the municipal palace, the governor's
30:49office, and the hospital. They also
30:54renovated private buildings like the
30:56headquarters of the newspaper El
30:57Telégrafo, one of the most important
30:59of the time. In other words, the
31:04buildings that appear on postcards of
31:06downtown Guayaquil today, those that
31:08any Guayaquil native recognizes, were
31:11designed and built by Italians. The
31:15story, however, has an end. Several
31:18events began to affect that presence.
31:23And they did not depend only on local
31:25factors; the Great Depression, the
31:27financial crisis, changes in Ecuador's
31:29immigration policies, and competition
31:31from local companies that had already
31:33learned the trade arrived. Then came
31:39the Second World War with its blacklist
31:41, which directly hit Italian companies
31:43and citizens in America. And finally,
31:48the reconstruction of Italy itself
31:50arrived. After the war, which offered
31:54many a reason to return, reverse
31:56migrations took place. Part of the
32:00colony returned to Europe. This leaves
32:03the question from the title. What did
32:06these Italians really transform? They
32:09did not transform the demographics of
32:11Guayaquil. They were never more than a
32:14few hundred in the 19th century,
32:16although they were enough to be the
32:18city's largest foreign colony. What
32:23they did was be in the right place with
32:25the right skill at the worst possible
32:27time. When the richest city in Ecuador
32:33burned for 4 days in October, the
32:34community that knew how to bring
32:36merchandise from Europe had been
32:38settled for 40 years just meters from
32:40the pier. They sold the materials, set
32:47up the machines, founded the bank, and
32:49later, when the city decided never to
32:52burn down again, they brought the
32:53concrete and drew the blueprints. None
33:01of them has their own monument on the
33:04boardwalk, but the hospital is still
33:06serving, the municipal palace is still
33:08functioning, and the Garibaldi Society,
33:11which 100 Italians founded in 1882,
33:13still exists. Okay.

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